An English translation is appended. The editorial conventions followed are mainly those set out before Cohen 4. Rey Somoza has edited Diego Moniz sed non vidi.
IF I DIE YOUNG
I have regularized the use of the cedilha without noting the manuscript readings. Latin is used in the critical apparatus: corr. All confrontations between word-final and word-initial vowels which are not so marked can be assumed to be instances of hiatus. I hope this edition will help stimulate study of the questions these cantigas pose.
The notes are philological, not literary commentary, although sometimes they deal with interpretation. But any critical edition presupposes —and depends on— an overall interpretation. Not all of poetics is textual criticism. But textual criticism is all poetics.
CSM Lang 16 son] soy B : corr. See Canettieri and Pulsoni A tripartite causal clause vv. But phonology and metrics then become impossible Nobiling : three vowels cannot occupy one syllable. The article is not required with amor Lang , even when modified by a relative clause: juran que morren con amor que an Johan Baveca; Zilli 77 ; Meogo 3, v. We find dela in identical position verse-initial, with enjambment, in the fifth verse of the first strophe in Diego Moniz 2, v.
CA This repetition may be intentional, but there might be an error here. Still, is it possible that another expression has been displaced see notes on Diego Moniz 1, v. See Monteagudo Compare CSM Nunes s. We find it in Pero da Ponte esto seja mui festinho Panunzio See also CSM s. A tonic object pronoun ela is possible see, for example, CA CSM s. We find y for r in Moniz 2, v. Though rare in the lyric it is not in the glossaries of CEM or CSM , avergonhar is used by this poet twice in the next cantiga vv. See Correia This pattern evidently threw off a scribe higher up the stemma, who began to regularize the a7 verses, got through the first strophe stretching to 8 syllables the third and fifth verses —he apparently took mha in v.
Tavani reports the scheme correctly. Metrical flaws would be especially damaging to a cantiga that uses subtle distinctions in verse length as an essential feature of strophic design. There is no need for tam and cutting it yields a metrical verse see headnote. Lang would delete i, leaving aviltar. Machado and Miranda print i aviltar, but i cannot begin a clause —and the verse would not scan. The technique of splitting words or inseparably linked syntax here, an infinitive and its direct object across a verse- break was a mark of skill—found from time to time in CSM.
See, for example, CSM 7. Lang sees that ia should be cut. So this verse might belong here or might be v. But e desso que dizedes fits well as a transition to the rejection in v. Compare Guilhade 5, v. By al the speaker means an alternative to whatever he asked for.
It might be inferred from vv. If so, al could mean another gift, of lesser import but still symbolic. For an obvious example, see CEM But it may plausibly be traced to Latin ad as a verbal prefix , which could become ar in front of labials, a sound change for which there is evidence in archaic inscriptions Weiss : arversvs OLD s.
Once ar had been reanalyzed as an adverb, its use would have spread to other verbs and then to other constructions. In these twelve texts ar occurs seven times, always before a verb: Asme 2, vv. From this we can infer that it is a late form which has displaced an original prazer. Both the scheme of cobras doblas and the dialog pattern suggest that one strophe is missing.
Compare Queimado 3 vv. Confusion between queria and querria is common in B. See Cohen , note 1. But entrava in v. The change is simple paleographically, but the sense needs clarification. But we find a sabor, for example, in Cangas 2 vv. And let me be that happy! See CSM Huber , par. See v.
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At one stroke Nobiling fixes the meter, rhyme, syntax and sense of two verses. If that is the sense here, it would thicken the plot. Maybe aaaBB. In B our vv. The dobre in vv. In addition, amar and mal both recur in rhyme in what seems like a deliberate pattern amar I.
See Tibullus 2. There is a syntactic rule that requires quen for human beings and their like whenever the antecedent is absorbed by the relative pronoun, which thus functions in two clauses. For the causative, see CA Lorenzo II, s. For the reflexive: CEM Hence, Love made the speaker go back v.
Original Lyrics. Translation in Portuguese. There comes a time when all else fails. Chega um momento quando tudo mais falhar. She puts the pressure on me how can I prevail? This weight I carry keeps piling on. He is not the one, love blinds what's right from wrong. What's right from wrong. Watch their lust it sparks alive. And it tears me up inside. E isso me rasga por dentro. I'll admit I'm terrified, jealousy is my new guide. I must reside, I must abide.
IF I DIE YOUNG - FOOLISH POETFOOLISH POET
Eu devo residir, devo respeitar. Live out my life caught in a lie. Viver a minha vida pego em uma mentira. But I might die, if I don't try. Attendants of the meeting decided that keeping women out of jail would be the primary argument. Celina countered that women being sent to jail for abortion was about not being able to choose, which stemmed from sexism. Celina was not the only person voicing the need for more feminist arguments, yet like most other activists she yielded to the restrictions of the campaign.
Walking through Lisbon in the weeks before the referendum, every Yes billboard and sign showed young women in negative situations: behind prison bars, being escorted from a building presumably a courthouse with their faces under a coat, or cowering on the floor with their heads in their hands. I will discuss the agreement to moderate the campaign messages from within the Portuguese feminist movement, where the abortion reform movement was born and where silenced objection to moderation was sometimes felt. I will argue that these arguments as well as those identified as effective reveal how Yes campaigners imagined Portuguese society during the referendum.
Given the strong investment that the Portuguese feminist movement has had in abortion reform, I will argue that the decision to excise certain types of feminist language from the campaign and conform to resonant discourse was a strategy used by feminists to achieve the goal of reform without engaging the nation with other feminist concerns. My methods were interviews, participant observation, and textual document analysis. I arrived two weeks before the referendum and stayed for four months. Opportunities for participant observation abounded in the weeks preceding the referendum.
I attended a few events, such as a benefit concert for the Yes campaign, and met street demonstrators handing out pamphlets in front of metros and universities. Campaigners from both sides, mostly students under the age of 30, gave me pamphlets and contact information.
On February 12 th the referendum passed and the campaigning was over. Signs and stickers continued speaking about abortion months after the referendum passed, but the movimento campaigners had dispersed. The movimentos were the groups that structured the Yes discourse. All other groups mentioned are activist groups that may have advocated for abortion reform, but were not directly connected to the movimentos.
Members of such activist groups joined movimentos in order to be active in the campaign 2. I was reintroduced a few weeks later when I received an email from Claudia who, in addition to being a feminist activist in UMAR Union for Active and Responding Women , was also a virtual secretary for the Yes campaign. Claudia and Manuela gave me oral histories of Portuguese feminism, provided me with books for my research, and gave me names and contact information for other activists.
I was unable to establish relationships with activists from the No campaign, so all but one of my interviews were conducted with activists from the Yes campaign. Given the public nature of the movement, I was given consent to use the real names of most informants, but I refer to them by their first names whenever possible.
At least one pseudonym has been used.
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I had read about sexual rights groups helping to bring Women on Waves to Portugal, reigniting the public debate through controversial international attempts at intervention. But wandering through the narrow cobblestone sidewalks in the beginning of February, it became immediately clear to me that the tactics used by the Yes campaign in Portugal were not what I expected, both as a feminist and reproductive and sexual rights activist from the United States, and as a researcher with cursory knowledge of the history of the Portuguese abortion reform movement.
The rhetoric of choice had disappeared. This is the feminism that I repeatedly refer to in this article. Some of the principles backing the legalization of abortion in this imagined community are: clandestine abortion kills women; women should not be prosecuted for abortion; women have the right to make decisions about their own bodies; criminalized abortion is social backwardness; poor economic conditions result in more abortions; abortion is pro-family; and abortion is a human right.
This is precisely where the separate realities present in different countries become significant and the imagined transnational feminist community fractures into local contexts. The American discourse supporting abortion is backed with rights claims to autonomous choice and self-ownership: the pro-choice position I identify with as an American reproductive rights activist. The consequences of illegal abortion that were once active parts of the American abortion debate have fallen out of the collective conscience of those of us raised in a post-Roe era. A rights discourse brought the campaign into the next decade, arguing first for Equality a resonant argument coinciding with the Civil Rights Movement and finally for Choice, which is still the main rhetoric today Condit In the referendum, the abortion reform campaign focused exclusively on clandestine abortion and its enforced penalization.
Engaging with the feminist community, I questioned what I perceived as the abandonment of feminist principles in order to achieve the goal of abortion reform. Activists like Celina responded in ways I anticipated, venting frustration and anxiety about the pressure to moderate. But it was not the case that non-feminists were silencing feminists, or even that feminists were completely silencing themselves. They were selectively vocal, each campaigner conforming to the discourse deemed acceptable by the movimentos —that were comprised, in noteworthy part, by feminists.
Feminist arguments that overlapped with the concerns of politicians or public health officials could be used without being decried as wholly feminist. These arguments were relevant to both feminist and non-feminist members of society. This historical framework is intended to contextualize my analysis of campaign moderation, which will follow this section.
IF I DIE YOUNG
The strong valorization of motherhood and heightened Church 6 influence effectively silenced discourses of reproductive control. Women came together in solidarity with Palla, collecting five thousand signatures for the legalization of abortion and sending it to the Assembly of the Republic. Palla was acquitted. She was also acquitted.
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Several organizations, most with feminist identifications, came together to form CNAC National Campaign for Abortion and Contraception and launch a legalization campaign. Stories of women dying from clandestine abortion began appearing in publications, with the statistic of two thousand women dying annually from clandestine abortion. Already, trials and health concerns led the public outcry. Tavares, In , the first law making abortion legal passed, but only to protect the health of the woman, in cases of fetal abnormality, and in cases of rape.
The fight continues! In , MODAP proposed a revised law to Parliamentary Commission that would permit abortion on demand in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, and increase the time periods for the three cases in which abortion was already legal. In , the PCP presented a projected law to the Parliament for abortion on demand to be legalized for the first 12 weeks of pregnancy. The Socialist Youth JS presented the same projected law a few months later. Over the next two years, hospitals were investigated about the implementation of the law. Studies were published revealing that women had died in public hospitals after undergoing clandestine abortions, and confirming that the present law was not adequately addressing the problem.
PCP and JS revised the projected law to allow abortion on demand in the first 10 weeks as opposed to the first 12 weeks Tavares On February 5, , the projected law was debated and ultimately approved. A few hours later, however, a compromise between the Prime Minister and the President of the Republic was revealed: the issue would be put to referendum. Campaigns were launched and at the end of June, the abortion reforms were voted down by a 1 percent margin, with an abstention rate of 68 percent.
During the next three years, 15 women, three medical professionals, as well as numerous family members, were tried in Aveiro, Setubal, Lisbon, and Coimbra. None of the trials after Maia resulted in prison sentences. These trials opened the debate to even more people, both within and outside the country, due to the extensive media coverage. Their arrival created an enormous stir in the country as the Prime Minister ordered two Navy ships to block the small, floating gynecological clinic from docking. Between the trials and the visit of the barco do aborto abortion boat , politicians and feminist organizations continued to lobby for another referendum Women On Waves, Political parties gradually became more invested in the debate.
Yes, The Responsible Vote. The proposed reforms passed with 60 percent of the vote. The discourse of rights was not, in fact, the main tone of this campaign. Though not the primary argument, reproductive rights were in fact part of the campaign language. On the other hand, Tavares notes that some criticized the movimento for lacking a strong feminist approach, and focusing instead on abortion as an issue of public health. The role of feminist discourse in the Portuguese abortion debate has been contested throughout public reform efforts.
Though Tavares credits the loss of the referendum to the strength of the campaign led by the Catholic Church, the indecisiveness of the Socialist Party, and a lack of a strong response by the Yes campaign to the arguments of the No campaign, she agreed to the importance of discourse moderation in the second referendum. Three were the most active in Lisbon, and the informants I interviewed were from these groups. Movimento Cidadania e Responsibilidade pelo Sim was open to anyone, while Movimento Jovens Pelo Sim was aimed at younger voters between the ages of 18 and 30, and Medicos Pela Escolha was for medical professionals.
Speaking exclusively of these two issues was identified in most of my interviews as central to the success of the Yes campaign. Firstly, the campaign was regarded as too radical because it used claims identified as feminist, which were not relevant to the majority of Portuguese society.
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