ENYA: Conscription (Swords and Plows Book 2)

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It is so often easier to pretend that no problem exists than to acknowledge it and therefore be forced to prepare for it. I read recently that a scientist in India warned his government about tsunami risks for years and was ignored. Well, he has a job now. Could a religion-controlled Hedge Fund sacrifice some of its gains to attack the stock price of targeted companies or their owners on geopolitical or georeligious grounds?

If it were hypothetically possible to defeat Kerry politically, by temporarily launching a stealth attack on the stock price of Heinz symbol HNZ , might that have been considered? Or will it be next time? You bet! To what extent does this occur worldwide? It bluntly acknowledges that religion has often been used as a tool of conquest. God wants you to attack the French God wants you to give us half of your harvest Does the means justify the end see the 12th commandment -- Item 15 below?

Is religion a tool of freedom AND a tool of conquest? Do you have to be conquered before you can be free?? Or are you only free within the walls of belief others build around you? Religious reflections as to the nature and purpose of our universe, and thoughts about the sociological phenomenon and evolution of religion on earth. This site is designed for large monitors and is a perpetual work-in-progress.

A true story. That's also mentioned on the DVD. I requested that embassies view and forward the DVD to their respective Intelligence organizations and to their respective Interpol offices. Each was authorized to duplicate the DVD for other embassies and for internal use Further, other victims -- past, present, or future -- need to know that they can survive this vile, monstrous technology. No one from the FBI or any other investigative agency has ever spoken to me. Why not? Please note the cyst on the top of my head in the photo at the punch-through site.

Not all victims may develop this, in which case there is no macro scopic evidence whatsoever. How perfect is that? What micro scopic evidence that exists resides within the brain and is inaccessible until death -- assuming that anyone would even think to look. It also makes the victim an example for others: annoy your masters and this Just Might Happen to you -- or to your loved ones -- as well. In brief the DVD is far more detailed TPW produces brief, never-repeated, non-native-content dream chains about times more intense than normal dreaming, intended to rip apart to murder the human soul.

The most probable outcome is suicide within the first year. It was probably the most helpless and horrifying moment of my life. There still exist some minor and infrequent neurological symptoms. Religion is big business, and that means big money, big power, big politics, and big secrets. Religion is supra-legal and thus 'above' the 'petty' laws of man Continued from above There was no response to the April 26, DVD distribution If not coincidental, this does not automatically infer complicity, he may simply have been capable of recognizing TPW and known its point of origin.

Or he may have been a fusible link. If TPW has not already been used on prospective Muslim leaders around the world, then it certainly would be when finally perfected Note that I am not taking political or religious sides, I simply want TPW destroyed before its use overseas provokes a nuclear strike on an American city. I cannot imagine a more world-unifying evil than TPW.

I hope and pray that I have made that option useless. As to what extremist group would ever use such a weapon, consider the Operation Rescue cell that precipitated the murder of the Kansas abortion doctor. I actually saw a woman wearing an Operation Rescue T-shirt some five years ago, watching me intently as I walked my son to elementary school one morning.

At the time I thought it had something to do with pets. Also read The Family by Jeff Sharlet. There is a Mythbusters episode showing what happens when iron filings are placed in an MRI machine. Continued at Ref below Postscript To clarify, TPW is someone's closely guarded secret. Maybe a government's, maybe a political party's, maybe a religion's, maybe a corporation's.

My goal with the discussions of TPW above and below is to give the smartest people on earth intelligence analysts worldwide among them the information they need to discover who owns it, so that they can find it and destroy it. Before it enslaves the critical personnel government, military, industry religions of every nation on earth. Power corrupts, absolute power corrupts absolutely. If you want to understand God, study his art An Illustrative Overview of Gestationism It is. What is Gestationism?

Over the past 15 billion years the nuclear reactions within the stars and during Nova and Supernova explosions created and distributed into space all the elements of the periodic table. This element synthesis enables life as we know it to form. This symbol of Gestationism represents a composite of past, present, and future. The black circle with the cluster of galaxies a collection from Hubble Deep Space images represents our universe. The Gestation Process:. Time begins. Life begins on earth and elsewhere. Expansion stops and contraction begins. Thousands of civilizations have come and gone, millions more flourish.

After perhaps billion years, time ends. We have only recently grasped the elementary point that supermassive black holes exist in most galaxies. Perhaps in a few thousand years we will truly understand the universe? This is an astronomical photograph of the globular cluster Omega Centauri. Imagine that each of the distinct stars in this photo are arriving souls, rushing inward to join the whole. Note spiral galaxy for relative size. Just for dramatic effect. There are only about nine stars in this field stars show diffraction spikes , every other object is a galaxy.

In it was estimated that there are between one and two trillion galaxies in the universe. Gestationism is an attempt to create a 'common core' theology universal in scope, with a perspective that might be understood by every sentient species in the universe. There are likely dozens of sentient civilizations among the galaxies below in present time There is a Great Purpose for the Existence of the Universe. I can offer you no proof. There is no logic or mathematics to be employed. You either believe in this one concept or we cannot communicate in a religious context.

There just has to be a phenomenally great purpose for this amazing dance of matter and energy, space and time. The next step is more tentative and speculative. Therefore, the greatest purpose that I can imagine is the procreation of God or Gods. But to me, the question is moot.

Whether there is one God, a dozen Gods, or a trillion-trillion Gods, the issue is inconsequential to us. It resides in their realm, not in ours. I am content with any number you feel comfortable with The First Belief of Gestationism is, then:. The Universe is the gestation mechanism by which God or Gods procreate.

By what process might this occur? Moment by moment bright sparks traverse the darkness to arrive within that growing, bright entity. Consider this imagery, written in a moment of contemplation in August Another Genesis. Before the beginning, in a place we may call Elsewhere-Elsewhen, a place where God or Gods dwell, there came to be, for reasons we can never know, the need to Create a New God. To this Great Purpose, he or they deliberated and concentrated with the Greatest of Godly care, and focused a Knowledge, Wisdom, and Compassion infinitely beyond us, to shape the Master Equations in a hundred billion dimensions.

And with a Final Thought, infused with Brightest Power, the Master Equations collapsed in upon themselves, further and further And with a Bright Spark, a Universe was Born. For it takes a Universe to create a God. For it takes a hundred billion years of life to create a God. For it takes a trillion, trillion, trillion, trillion souls from living beings such as we, and greater, to create a God.

Each soul a bright and tiny spark. Otherwise, there is nothing but darkness, a universe lost, or perhaps, a single frozen tear, forever adrift in utter silence. Some of that Great Question is up to each of us -- to have made of ourselves the brightest spark that we can be, before our personal ending -- when our soul traverses the thin curtain of night, to become as one with what will be. The Second Belief of Gestation is, then:. How many souls does it take to create a new God?

How many sentient creatures will have lived and died everywhere in all the universe in its billion-year or so life span? Much like we feel toward our own children: Protective, loving, hopeful, fearful. Let me close this brief discussion with an occasional prayer of mine:. It may also be the single most widely violated -- as intelligent creatures vie for power, position, and access to, or control over, scarce resources for their own sake and for the sake of their progeny.

Given that the Fetal-God of our universe grows and is enriched through the accretion of sentient souls, one can logically deduce that there are acts which harm this process:. Not just because it would involve the deaths of some six billion people here and now, but because it would eliminate from all future history countless trillions of human lives. Species which are unable to survive their own technological birth do not contribute significantly. In the same sense that our bodies consist of cells, the Fetal-God consists of sentient souls - and a soul resides in the brain. This of course assumes that faster-than-light travel is not possible.

If correct it is an interesting point of cosmological design, as no single species could dominate in the formation of the Fetal-God. Depending on the assumptions you choose, the Fetal-God might at this moment consist of between a thousand-trillion 10 15 and a billion-trillion 10 21 mostly non-human souls. With respect to the Creator-God direct intervention seems much less esthetic, except perhaps in the sense that the Fetal-God might be able to communicate with the Creator-God at some point of development.

Its food for thought, anyway. In a way, both are true. Our universe and the rules which govern the interaction of matter, energy, time and space were created some Species evolution is a magnificent and beautifully elegant consequence of the design of our universe. In a normal star like our Sun, nuclear fusion cannot proceed beyond iron -- yet we are surrounded by copper, zinc, silver, tin, gold, lead and scores of other elements which are heavier than iron. They are only created in novas and supernovas. Take a long look at the list of minerals in your vitamins. If atoms could talk Jurassic Park Some are created by the most brilliant minds of Hollywood -- some by the most twisted minds of power.

Each is equally unreal. Enjoy the first group -- dismiss the second. It occurred to me that if any of the patients there had blue dot cysts on the tops of their heads like I have that a fire would destroy the evidence quite thoroughly. Perhaps there are still records in Russia that might reveal the answer. A more vital question is whether or not the fires were accidental or arson-murder. President Putin, do you know? Embassy staff to invite me to a day debriefing hosted at the Swiss Embassy.

Feel free to invite The Hague investigators and a few others, as well. If you have any junior nuclear specialists available it would be fun to discuss my HAIV 2. There is no way to know. Furthermore, they might have been staged misinformation. There was no signature or place for one. Obviously high-level politicians and other government agencies, perhaps trading favors.

With everyone watching, La Palma is not a threat to the U. Bush was seeking support for his brother from an extremist evangelical group whose charter was to bring about the apocalypse, I became concerned. I have no idea in whose hands my letter to the President eventually found itself, and the loss of a portion of the eastern seaboard might be considered a kind of mini-apocalypse 'close enough' to make superb politico-religious capital. Up until the above posting, the arrow of causality was aimed solely at me — everyone else could and would deny any knowledge of it.

But after the above posting the arrow of causality was aimed directly at former Bush administration personnel, eliminating the risk of any such gamesmanship. Oh Brave New World. If we stop fighting our enemies, the world will die. The enemy of mankind today hides in darkness and uses weapons like TPW. Ambassador Google it. It begs the question, are our protectors not as bright as they once were? Like Rome. The silence is deafening.

I repeat: No government investigator at any level has ever spoken to me in person or by phone, nor has there been any correspondence. If that ever changes I will note it in this log. The horse never knows what plans you have for it until after its will has been broken. Perhaps the horse will pull a wagon, or a plow. Perhaps it will become a ranch horse, a trail horse, a trotter, a racehorse It is pure conjecture on my part, but given the right-wing extremes seen in past St. I doubt that we will ever know -- such plots are closely held secrets taken to the grave.

Is that why no one will investigate TPW? Ref Heinlein the book, not the movie offers a realistic - and entertaining - illustration of how few people actually have to be recruited or enslaved in order to essentially control a complex society. Other than the cyst shown at the top of this web site which may not develop in all victims , there are only a few other symptoms which are observable. Abnormal REM sleep is the most visible. These symptoms peaked and decayed per the dream intensity curve in the Timeline chart at the top of the web site.

But the dog did nothing in the night! With this in mind, given the amount of super-mega-classified material in the U. Especially after my April distribution to embassies in Washington, D. Or that of an important ally? Or mass religion? Or a worldwide club of billionaires? They come into this world ugly and messy. Ideas are frightening, because they threaten what is known. Yes, ideas are scary But under the proper care, they become beautiful!

So, let me get this straight The smallest element of a dremem is a sentence. Fractional sentences are extremely rare. A sentence is typically words long, and takes about 3 seconds to dream. Each sentence is essentially random in context, but the sleeping mind uncritically weaves them into a story with plot discontinuities roughly every seconds. On average REM sleep amounts to 1. I only remember them if they occur in a very light sleep.

Other aspects of the induced dreaming relate, I believe, to motivational dampening or amplification. The reverse is also true. For my enemies not even justice. Have I, whom thou drivest from joy for no misdeed, not suffered enough that you seek to increase my misery?

Life, although it may only be an accumulation of anguish, is dear to me. How dare you sport thus with life? It correctly places reason above animal emotion and historical religious baggage. I simply find it incomplete. I occasionally used ibuprofen to sleep, but not too often. In retrospect, I am astonished that I survived that period. I have placed in my estate plan my will the request that my post-mortem brain be examined at the cellular and molecular level for evidence as to the exact nature of TPW.

Whatever they find, I have no doubt that the public will be lied to. As always. This does not effect mechanical design or image manipulation thought processes. I remember a news item a dozen years ago about NASA having created an implantable chip for the vocal cords of astronauts, presumably to replace throat microphones which are cumbersome and problematic in space.

I would think that this works a bit like an RFID tag, but functions as a non-contact proximity microphone. This may or may not be relevant. I have no wish to cause the Falwell family any distress, but this may help determine the source s and nature of the technology I call TPW. For the next several weeks I kept a low profile, but steeled myself for anything. To my surprise and relief, nothing happened.

But still I waited. As I listened with full attention to the news story not thinking about anything, just listening , the following live or pre-programmed information was delivered to my awareness. The left-right balance was perfect so it seemed to come from the center of my mind, and it was loud. I immediately wrote it down. Is it true? This was the last of a mere handfull of communications strong enough to break into my awake mind. All the others were in the first year, and all were single sentences. Technology like this, or even further improved v2.

Those diminished along the same curve as dremem intensity per the blue curve on the timeline chart above. I avoided all music during the first years of TPW. Even today ear-worms get started easily and persist for days. About five months later a retired Missouri warden was shot to death at his front door in Colorado Springs. The two events were probably unrelated, but does Missouri allow medical experimentation on prisoners who volunteer?

Everyone knows that surveillance technology has obliterated all privacy everywhere -- that is nothing compared to the ability of the TPW-masters to invisibly incapacitate or enslave at will. But these could be halted with an application of will for a minute or so. I was also unable to forget ANY dremem details of the period the saturation period on the timeline chart until It was a relief to be able to forget.

Mind you, I can still dredge up these horrible memories if I absolutely must, but they no longer force themselves upon me and are just shadows of their original intensity. TPW was and is attempted murder. Digital tinnitus isn't a natural phenomena. Thankfully it faded quickly at first, but was detectible for a year or two I would have to check my notes to be more specific. How many senior programmers would you have to control to cause that to quietly happen? All data is vulnerable now.

If only one datum in a trillion is altered or suppressed If the technologies of today had existed in , would the American Colonies have beaten the British? The larger the number of independent bell curves that are multiplied together, the more exaggerated the shape of the curve.

If this is truly a fiscal issue, then perhaps the Bush Administration would be willing to ask other parties if they wish to step in? Perhaps the EU, Japan, China, or OPEC would be willing to fund the shuttle rescue mission out of petty cash in exchange for some of the future observing time for their astronomers?

Maybe Soros, Gates, or Microsoft could buy a stake? If it actually is a fiscal problem? I am reminded of a comic ad in The New Yorker magazine long, long ago. New England Life, of course They are the laws of animals - no matter how smart or clever they may be. They are the laws yielding endless conflict over control of natural resources, over control of the tools of control. To paraphrase a story about Gandhi: A reporter once asked Gandhi what he thought about human civilization.

He paused for a few moments The benign prosthetic use of these technologies is and will be wonderful , but will governments refine these techniques into intelligence gathering tools? Or tools to keep congress or top secret personnel in line? Would you lie to your electrodes? Keep in mind that this article is just the published extent of technology - most governments USA, China, Russia will have a 5-year lead in secret research and secret synergies such as nanotechnology.

Any person, group, corporation, or government agency willfully supporting the clandestine or criminal use of brain implantation technologies on par with NAZI medical experimentation in my opinion MUST be exposed and their ability to function destroyed by any means whatsoever. I challenge all of the religious leaders of the world to create policy on this topic if they have not already done so. Government has never - and will never - fund, support, or utilize clandestine brain implantation or clandestine implanted body-tracking technologies see www.

Small injustices decay to zero over time, which is why we forgive and forget them. But large injustices escalate, or compound, over time. There is a deep instinctive demand for justice that is probably based upon the survival needs of our animal ancestors. It is a primitive stimulus-response mechanism -- reciprocity with the risk of escalation.

Have you ever watched squabbling children? What A does to B, B does to A back, perhaps with a little something more. There is no reasoning involved - these are animal instincts carried forward in our DNA because they are pro-survival qualities - for individuals. It takes a great deal of socialization to suppress this instinct in members of societies. To maintain that conditioning, systems of justice must remain widely available, trusted, timely, and affordable. This is especially difficult when high-contrast cultures commingle. For want of a shoe, a horse was lost.

For want of a horse, a rider was lost. For want of a rider, a message was lost. For want of a message, a battle was lost. For want of a battle, a war was lost. For want of a war, a kingdom was lost. On a lark, they decided to follow the footprints to see where they went and what they could infer about their owner. On and on they tracked the footprints until the trail began to veer and loop about wildly and with no apparent reason.

Eventually the footprints resumed their original course, but later again veered and curved back and forth for miles, inexplicably. Again they resumed their initial compass heading but still later wandered chaotically. The group stopped for a pack lunch and speculated upon the owner of the footprints. The blue sky was dotted with fluffy white clouds and the day was gentle and warm. Birds chirped in the distance. Finally it occurred to someone to ask the old indian guide what he thought. The group all looked at each other in utter bewilderment. This trail is nothing but endless, directionless wandering?

This leads to the splintering of every power-based group into subelements jockeying for relative position. And the crops need tending. It is a song for all of humanity I was once told a story about a religionist who would never cheat an individual, but who would cheat a corporation or the government whenever he could.

The steepness of the shoulder indicates narrow or broad applicability - or - high or low exclusivity. For others the radius is a shared abstraction such as a flag or a religion or a skin color.

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Or a pragmatic political family such as loyalty to a king or a party. Theoretically the radius might be a species humans vs. Rarely, the radius is infinite Gandhi? Actually, there are multiple coexisting radii overlapping families of bell curves within a single individual depending on the situation: Anyone on earth would help an unknown lost child, most would give food or water to a stranger, a few would save the life of an injured enemy as in The Enemy Below.

But a synchronized group exhibiting simultaneous behavior shifts is a very powerful force. I once attended an ethical society for a year or so, and I was amazed at the amount of independent thinking and action that was prevalent. Both my ISP Brick. And both to DVD-R sets and to external hard drives. In my case I lost almost no data but the recovery process of settings and configurations was unnecessarily long and taxing, the solution to which was explained to me only after talking to a Teir-II tech. Why do I need to know that?

The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus

In general, human societies are not innovative. They are hierarchical and ritualistic. Suggestions for change are greeted with suspicion: they imply an unpleasant future variation in ritual and hierarchy Much of the difficulty in attempting to restructure American and other societies arises from this resistance by groups with vested interests in the status quo Like mutations, any random change is apt to serve less well.

But also like mutations, changes are necessary if adaptation to new environmental circumstances is to be achieved. The tension between these two tendencies marks much of the political conflict of our age Russell commented that the development of polymaths remarkably gifted multidisciplinary scholars required a childhood period in which there was little or no pressure for conformity, a time in which a child could develop and pursue his or her own interests no matter how unusual.

Because of the strong pressures for social conformity both by the government and by peer groups in the United States -- and even more so in the Soviet Union, Japan, and China -- I think that such countries are producing proportionately fewer polymaths, and there is evidence that Britain is in a steep decline in this respect Particularly today, when so many difficult and complex problems face the human species, the development of broad and powerful thinking is desperately needed As a consequence of the enormous social and technological changes of the last few centuries, the world is not working well.

We do not live in traditional and static societies. But our governments, in resisting change, act as if we did. Unless we destroy ourselves utterly, the future belongs to those societies that enable the characteristically human components of our nature to flourish; to those societies that encourage diversity rather than conformity; to those societies For if you can live content with only the companionship of God, then you are finally free to love truth above all else.

But it makes me ill that they sell their souls for a pat on the head. The fiery trials through which we pass light us down in honor or dishonor to the last generation of mankind. We say that we are for truth and justice. The universe will not forget that we say this. In giving truth the freedom to be heard, we assure justice to all those who would be free. Honorable alike in what we give and in what we preserve, we shall nobly save - or meanly lose - the last best hope of earth.

I was especially moved by the Civil Rights Center where M. King Jr. Walking through the exhibits you could feel the echoes of pain, hatred, and injustice. How much things have changed. My own two boys have not a trace of racial prejudice to my pride. On my apcconsultants. Memory metal holds a given shape until a certain temperature, at which point it returns to its original pre-cooled shape. As the temperature cycles around this point the metal changes back and forth between the two shapes. What a wonderful? The first time someone becomes seriously feverish and this need not be a random accident the micro-coils or whatever shape is best expand and damage or trigger damage in various parts of the body in which they have become lodged.

Especially the brain, eyes, and whatever. This might happen many times as a fever comes and goes due to medication. Do you think this would appear as naturally occurring, virus-induced damage? So who committed the crime? Food for thought so to speak! The foundation of this system is built upon fairness and knowledge of all facts.

Attorney General, Is this also the reason that trials can take ten years in the United States, and why so many cases are settled on the courthouse steps? So that hidden truths can remain hidden -- until they no longer matter? Until witnesses or victims have died of illness or old age? Or until they have been starved or bought or blackmailed into silence? What, exactly, are we building here? And someplace a star died today. This day will never come again. What did each of us do with this day? Did we brighten our souls? With knowledge? With understanding? With kindness?

With love? With courage? Or do we fear too much what that light will reveal to us of ourselves? Our failings, our flaws, our injustice, our false beliefs? It reveals what it will. And if you fear that what you see will wound you, then remember that wounds are followed by healing. This is indicative of the highest order of sentient behavior -- the adherence to ethical or religious principle at ANY cost whatsoever.

It is ironic that it was more common in the distant past than today -- how many today would be willing to die, or see their family put to the sword over ethical or religious principles? My one place within this universe. You think you can just walk over me and take what you want? Kill every little dog on the planet if you wish, but I will give you nothing Try me. Wounded, big dogs cannot fight other big dogs Government is the defendant , settlements serve to deny U. Citizens the critically important facts that we voters need to understand and judge how our government is functioning.

Attorney General serve to bring to the surface. That truth is forever hidden to benefit the powerful political interests of our time and to maintain the illusion that our government is a monolith of virtue. So we never fix anything. We have lost our guiding star Full of darkness and danger they were. How could the world go back to the way it was when so much bad had happened? But in the end it is only a passing thing, this shadow.

Even darkness must pass. A new day will come. And when the sun shines it will shine out the clearer. Those are the stories that stayed with you But I think I do understand. They kept going. Because they were holding on to something I just had to laugh!! Having made some progress along these lines myself, my fellow non-Gestationist St. Louisians are free to stay!! Whether they feel the same way about me remains to be seen. If you really want to see what most retail religion is all about, walk into any congregation during a sermon and quietly start passing around your own gallon-sized collection jar.

In a purely economic jungle such as the U. Have you eaten? Are you thirsty? Do you need a place to sleep That is religious greatness! It is far from apocalyptic and full of keen observations. Behind the success of plausible denial is an already long established North American disconnect from reality: the substitution of image for substance. The idea is that a presentable image makes substance immaterial False image making has become a very big business throughout North America and is a stable of the U. Government [and politics and religion in general -- any place where there is money or power at stake.

Legions of hired liars labor to disconnect reality from all manner of images -- images of personalities, of legislation, of corporations, of places, and of activities. Spin doctors, virtuosos of deceptive image making and damage control, have become authoritative spokespersons in political campaigns and troubled institutions, able not only to disconnect reality but to construct new reality. If that sounds confusing about the reality of reality, it is: that is the purpose of spin doctoring.

With each collapse, still further ruin becomes likely, until finally the whole enfeebled, intractable contraption crashes A culture is unsalvageable if stabilizing forces themselves become ruined and irrelevant. This is what I fear for our own culture, and why I have written this cautionary book Formerly vigorous cultures typically fall prey to the arrogant self-deception for which the Greeks had a word, hubris , that we still use History has repeatedly demonstrated that empires seldom seem to retain sufficient cultural self-awareness to prevent them from overreaching and over-grasping The breakthrough will aid scientists in their mission to learn what sets us apart from other animals The number of genetic differences between humans and chimps is ten times smaller than that between mice and rats Humans and chimps originate from a common ancestor and scientists believe they diverged some six million years ago.

They lost -- but we all pay the price to be fair, they only lost once There are many lessons to be learned, especially as to how fragile our civilization is Also obvious is that self-sufficiency in the short term is still critically important. I once heard that there was a time when a Mormon family was expected to have enough food, available water, medicine, and ammunition for hunting to live for a year without outside help. That was a good idea in its time. Be prepared.

Especially you Californians living near earthquake zones who will have NO warning. As you can plainly see on TV, disaster only has to hit you once! Has anyone ever transferred human memory molecules from cadavers to the brains of chimps? Has anyone ever transferred memory molecules from one human brain to another? Surely the mechanism for chemical recording and playback, however subtle and complex, must be identical from mind to mind. Could the memory chemicals from a cadaver be used to determine the circumstances of death?

I remember a wonderful science fiction story called The Forever War by Joe Haldeman which suggested military officers might be trained in a similar fashion. Would that work best with adults or children? And to what end? It is a truly horrifying thought These may be employed in any order, repeatedly, until the subject is either broken or dies.

For example, in the movie, Step 3 was the offer to McCain to be released from the POW prison early, which would be highly useful to the propaganda needs of the state. In a domestic civilian situation, Step 3 might be any behavior which was useful to the mastering hierarchy in question. Possible masters include high-level political, religious, military, financial, and industrial cliques. Offered directions of escape might include either preselected self-constructive or preselected self-destructive choices, depending upon the purpose at hand.

I am reminded of a poster at www. Is it just coincidence that that same sounding word is used in training dogs to walk at your side? Is there a statue of limitations for the crime of creating a non-Christian religion within a more or less Christian society? No, probably not. This will be discussed in the near future. The topic relates to the constraint of human and organizational behavior, ranging from the animal extreme of brute force above or below the table and mindless, gluttonous consumption -to- world resource wars -to- the far extreme of a stable, knowledge-growing civilization surviving in perpetuity.

I believe that many sentient species do not civvive -- although their species may survive for millions of years. The greatest difficulty in this transition in the simple fact that elements from the lower portion of the curve have fewer restraints in attacking those more ethical, constantly dragging them leftward on the chart. Many brilliant science fiction writers have explored aspects of this problem. Individuals spend varying amounts of time at various points on the line. The chart is intended to describe a time-average of all individuals from all regions of the earth.

This is, to me, a serious study of an important subject. You will find no anger or hatred within this web site , but you will find a great love of truth and a great concern for the future of human civilization: This is a most precarious time for our species and we desperately need far-sighted, benign world leadership not owned or controlled by special interest groups. Currently, the most powerful force on earth is a democracy kept ignorant by a government that can barely function, and that irrationally votes based upon artful, emotion-pumping commercials dealing with irrelevant issues of 40 years ago rather than the growing list of pressing, complex problems facing our children.

There is reason for great concern. Matt Santos, we need you Heinlein the book is better. The Roman Empire was literally built upon such injustice war plunder. Personally, I could do with a lot less ruling and a lot more building. And engineers. A hundred rag-tag warriors with hand tools made greatest city on earth uninhabitable.

The loss of life - especially that of children - due to the earthquake in Islamabad is too painful to contemplate. Because so many deaths were due to collapsing buildings - even schools - I respectfully suggested that perhaps a new class of cleric be created: A cleric-engineer or a cleric-inspector. These incorruptible!! Especially schools! Every new building should carry three mm bronze seals near the main entrance: That of the architect, that of the builder, and that of the cleric-engineer -- so that if the building should ever fail the responsibility would be clear.

That is similar to how Professional Engineers in the western world are held to high standards. If a religious hierarchy puts its seal on a building, it puts its reputation on the line. And there is a second, more subtle lesson: If you possess the tools of power, use them wisely and with restraint, or they will be taken away from you!

Do you really think that is accidental? Those who create new religious concepts do so from the very center of their souls: Anyone in the far future! What a world we live in!! Curiously, the reports faded away old news? I am also reminded of the complex process for detecting replicants in Blade Runner ]. A History Channel program on religious archaeology. The use of any technology or technique for the malevolent destruction or diminution of any sentient mind for any purpose, such as discrediting, crippling, enslaving, or, limiting or preventing the dissemination of ideas or the communication of personal knowledge.

Some possibilities include the clandestine use of: chemicals, pharmaceuticals, the transfer of brain chemistry human to human or animal to human , the disruption of brain chemistry or electrical function, conditioning techniques, acoustical weapons such as infrasound, EMR, induced tinnitus, implanted microelectronic devices such as the Eardrum Micro-Harpoon transducer , sensory deprivation, forced visual imagery such as a contact lens or intra-eye display , REM sleep deprivation, radiation, and so forth.

The same reasoning as in the First Abomination applies. Teach your children the truth as best you can. You owe them that above all else. A key measure of success is the positive growth in total knowledge. The planet as a whole is close to being purely capitalistic, with vast corruption and mafia-like transnational aspects assuring that the rich and powerful get what they want.

In other words, our planet is literally an economic jungle of animals trying to survive. It is collectively so bad that the utter mess in the USA looks - and is - relatively sterling in comparison. The risk that lays just ahead is that the competition for national survival could easily reach the level were conflicts become destructive on a global scale: deliberate viruses or hand-carried nukes unleashed to devastate some economies and benefit others. So clever are the planetary puppet masters of earth, and so easy is destruction to implement, that no one will ever know who is behind what catastrophe, or even if they are manmade or natural Our political system is almost automated: Secure the free and dedicated labor of activist volunteers and by implication, their blessing at the far left or far right.

Raise money by incurring implied obligations. Stampede the central herds to swell the numbers. And if you think winning elections is all that matters, take a long look at all of the other democracies of the world. We need something more: A government loyal to all of us. A government that can build a civilization -- not just unleash havoc on one. More on this later I know a number of very fine Catholics and I thought the tactic rather beneath you.

It is interesting but unsurprising that your first thought was economic warfare My only disappointment in Walmart was the rather cowardly firing of the employee who sent the message unless there are unreported aspects to the situation. The letter falls from a book copy of the U. When bullies rise up the rest of us must join together to beat them down, whatever the cost. Its a simple idea I suppose but one worth giving everything for. The Holidays? While I am not a student of Christianity, it seems to me that Christmas is not about Christ.

It is about the principles that he hoped to teach. You could call it Saturnmas or Kindmas or Giftmas or Familymas or Santamas -- and I suspect that he would be the first to say that his name is the least important aspect of the holiday. Religious devotion need not be to a god, it can also be to a king, a politician, a benefactor, an organization or a symbol. Or money. Or some combination. If we are a nation of laws, then we are a nation whose justice must be its highest religion and worthy of belief. Otherwise we are a nation that believes in something other than itself Check my math.

If the McCain Amendment passes but is prosecution-crippled into uselessness so that we voters will never learn in open court of the state-of-the-art torture techniques available at political command, and so that torture may continue effectively unimpeded, there is the real potential for reciprocal escalation more terrible than anything ever seen before: If you torture a person and they live, they and their families and tribes will almost always dedicate their lives to destroying you the west in return.

Or did you wish to create a dedicated field of enemies perhaps to carry implanted passive tracking and audio monitoring instrumentation? Slowly consume and replace this food to keep it from becoming too dated. This is 0. The living costs of a congressman are so high that they are constantly looking for speaking engagements, free lunches, free vacations, free travel, and so on, unless they are wealthy when they arrive. This makes them vulnerable to almost every lobbyist or big money vendor in Washington, D.

We could then insist that no other income was permissible and no freebie was allowed , period! And there are many other possibilities as to how these factions emerged: nationalistic, political, financial, religious, combinations of these and so on. So who is really running the show? The real power of this world lies in quietly steering the fate of the human race over the course of centuries If you strive to achieve any of these things, you must first dismantle the provincial walls of comfortable illusion, brick by brick, in whose shadows you cower-- and bare your soul to the light of truth.

Embrace it. Welcome it. Let it fill your heart and soul. And you will never know darkness again. Since by the rules the vine is making most of the important decisions as to their combined future, logic would suggest that the likely outcomes for the oak tree are rather bleak. Extermination and assimilation, he states provocatively, were two sides of the same coin: both aimed at protecting the culturally and not simply racially white character of the population, and of utterly destroying the indigenous world.

A second difference is found in the relative significance of the metropole in shaping or constraining settler projects and ambitions. Unlike new world colonies, which remained economically tied to imperial metropoles but often enjoyed considerable political autonomy, settlers in these later cases remained politically—and in the last instance militarily—subjected to and dependent on the metropole. These differences thus help us understand the fragility and instability of settler colonialism in the twentieth century. If new world states were born of a dual defeat—the defeat of the indigenous populations, and the defeat or weakening of the imperial metropoles that held settlers in dependence—twentieth-century settler colonies did not follow this trajectory.

Settler colonialism in the twentieth century is thus marked by ongoing negotiation and struggle among four key groups: an imperial metropole where sovereignty formally resides, a local administration charged with maintaining order and authority, an indigenous population significant enough in size and tenacity to make its presence felt, and an often demanding and well-connected settler community. It is this four-sided structure that, in ideal-typical terms, not only sets twentieth-century colonialism apart from these earlier settler societies but also helps us to distinguish it from such related phenomena as settler projects and settler states.

Settler projects undertaken by communities driven by shared religious or national convictions and searching for new homes—the Boer Voortrekkers spring to mind, or perhaps the early Zionist settlers—may have been colonizing in their methods or in their impact on indigenous communities, but they lacked that aspect of imperial strategic direction or support central to settler colonialism. Likewise, while settler states states which continue to structure power along a settler-indigene divide may originate as settler projects or settler colonies, they have passed beyond that stage to independence—South Africa for much of the twentieth century , Liberia, and Israel being some notable examples.

Of course, the line between settler colony and settler state may be an ambiguous one, for settler colonies have often demanded and sometimes been granted considerable self-governing rights, as in Northern Ireland from until or Southern Rhodesia after Yet settler colonialism is defined not merely by this four-way relationship but also by a particular structure of privilege. For settler colonies, like settler societies, are marked by pervasive inequalities, usually codified in law, between settler and indigenous populations.

In settler colonies, the caste division between the settler and the indigene is usually built into the economy, the political system, and the law, with particular economic activities and political privileges including, sometimes, rights to own land, vote, or be tried according to metropolitan standards of justice reserved for members of the settler population.

One benefit that arises from the study of European settler colonies in Africa alongside Japanese settler projects in Asia is that it throws into relief not only commonalities but differences, allowing us to begin to construct a typology of settler colonialism—or, alternatively, to imagine a continuum along which we might place various cases. Let us consider variations on two levels which reflect the two key characteristics of settler colonialism : the degree of control of state functions by settler communities on the one hand, and the degree of institutionalization of settler privilege on the other.

For heuristic purposes, we can represent these variables, and then plot some of the instances of settler colonialism discussed in this book, as follows: High level of settler incorporation into governance Low level of settler incorporation into governance South West Africa Rhodesia High institutionalization of settler privilege Algeria Nazi East Kenya Mozambique Manchuria Low institutionalization of settler privilege Northern Ireland Korea Taiwan Fig. First, then, we need to distinguish between those instances of settler colonialism in which state authorities very much hold the upper hand, and those in which settlers have considerable local power.

Settlement, then, will be merely part of a broader plan for geopolitical expansion and domination, one that may involve costly infrastructural investments in the new territories and sometimes co-optation of and collaboration with local elites. World war, not colonial risings, brought these instances of settler colonialism to their close.

In a second set of cases, settlers themselves exercise more independent power. In Rhodesia, and to a lesser extent in Algeria and Kenya, settlers were either granted or were able to claim considerable power within the local state. But, in the end, internal anticolonial revolts and civil wars rather than external geopolitical pressures brought these settler colonies down. One could thus essentially plot instances of settler colonialism along this continuum ranging from state-oriented expansionism to settler-oriented semiautonomy, the late and centrally directed Portuguese settlement projects in Africa, and the utter conflation of settler and metropolitan interests in South West Africa occupying something of a midpoint between these types.

Yet, we need to qualify this continuum by adding another axis of variation. Thus, while the level of institutionalized settler privilege was very high in many of those polities marked by local state weakness and settler power the massive expropriation of African land in Namibia springs to mind, or the bar on African coffee growing in Kenya, or the effective limitation of voting rights to whites in most African colonies , in cases where the settler population formed a majority or where settlers could plausibly pose as a bulwark against an oppressive would-be metropole or still-more-alien colonizers eager to assert control, the institutionalization of settler privilege might be low.

Likewise, while the more authoritarian states could enforce high—even genocidal—degrees of settler privilege as the case of Germany shows , Japan followed a somewhat different path, devoting considerable material and ideological resources to cultivating the interests and loyalties of potential indigenous collaborators. The Portuguese colonies, where harsh land and labor policies coexisted uneasily with a rhetoric of cross-racial harmony and Lusotropicalism, once again occupy the midpoint on this continuum. How do these particular patterns emerge historically?

Why did some states undertake settler projects as part of wider expansionist efforts while others simply granted a measure of autonomy to settler communities established almost inadvertently? We have no parsimonious explanation to offer, but we do wish to note some suggestive commonalities in historical experiences. State-centered settlement was undertaken primarily by imperial latecomers moving into geographically contiguous areas under pressure of geopolitical rivalry and sometimes populationist anxieties; by contrast, settler semiautonomy emerged in those colonies where settlement was early, almost inadvertent, and less central to the interests of commercial empires seeking to preserve their global standing.

Timing, geography, and the force of geopolitical competition thus all merit investigation as motivating or causal pressures; yet, when examining these various outcomes, we are struck by the complicated ways in which racial and political ideologies contributed to their articulation. By contrast, while authoritarian or antidemocratic regimes those of Japan, Germany, and Italy in the s, and of Portugal often treated indigenous populations with unrivaled brutality as in Ethiopia, or indeed in Poland , in some instances that very state authoritarianism could act, paradoxically, to attenuate formal settler power.

The ideal type and typology offered here is, we realize, schematic. We hope that it will provoke refinements and alternative formulations. The aim of such broad comparative analysis is, after all, to help us to understand particularities better. For the rest of this introduction we will defend the analytical usefulness of this concept, and of our particular definition and typology, by looking more closely at the internal workings, trajectories, and legacies of some twentiethcentury cases.

We will examine how settler colonialism structured policies over land and labor on the one hand, and law and representation on the other; the particular flavor settlers brought to the endgames of empire; and some of the dilemmas faced by metropoles and former colonies, settlers, and local populations, after decolonization. We will turn briefly at the end of the essay to the implications of such an analytical focus for future research and scholarly work.

In the current conflicts over white farms in Zimbabwe or Jewish settlements on the West Bank we see the legacies of these conflicts. Indeed, what marks the twentieth-century cases is that these questions of land alienation and title were never successfully disposed of through conquest or contained within the legal and political structure of the settler state, but retain a raw immediacy. For colonial South West Africa and Algeria not to mention Korea or Mozambique were never really marked by an expanding frontier behind which the settler state could believe itself in undisputed possession of the land, even though settlers in these areas also tried to mark out regions—those White Highlands or European quarters— of exclusive ownership.

Yet, the fact that the demographic balance never swung in their favor or, more bluntly, that conquest did not result in the elimination of most of the indigenous population meant that settlement was always a patchwork rather than an overlay. Everywhere new owners lived as a vulnerable if privileged minority among the majority populations they had dispossessed. Everywhere they struggled to legitimate, secure, and render profitable their claim to the land.

Where settlers were essentially immigrants with little coercive power as in mandatory Palestine , or where their authority was restricted by imperial administrations with more complex ambitions as in the Japanese empire , land transfers took the form of purchase and could be relatively limited in extent. In the first case, settlers clustered into communities of their own; in the latter, they tended to turn quickly from cultivators into landlords, acting more as a pressure on land prices and markets than as an overt force for dispossession.

Dispossession was an ideological as well as a political project: thus, as John K. Yet even where environmental conditions were more favorable— as in the Kenyan highlands, or in Algeria—settlers required considerable metropolitan infrastructural investment or outright subsidization to get their crops to market at all. Even so, African peasants were sometimes able to seize new opportunities and pose a genuine economic threat to their settler counterparts, particularly in the first decades of the twentieth century.

In some instances, they were able to capitalize on preexisting wealth and patronage networks to produce for expanding agricultural markets; other times, they took advantage of the incomplete penetration of capitalist relations and became sharecroppers, or even rent-paying tenant farmers on settler land. Through easy credit, transportation subsidies, exclusive production rights, and marketing boards, settler control of land was made effective and upheld. Moreover, whereas earlier settlement projects resorted to large-scale importation of indentured servants, convicts, or slaves, these twentieth-century settlers relied on the local population for the workforce necessary to make otherwise undercapitalized and underdeveloped areas profitable.

Of course, policies aimed at forcing indigenous populations into the workforce were ubiquitous in twentieth-century colonies, settler and otherwise. Taxation—whether in the form of the hut and poll taxes common to southern Africa, the land and other taxes used in Taiwan and Korea, or even the dog taxes introduced in South West Africa and Mozambique—forced local populations everywhere to earn an income through some kind of market participation.

What marks African settler colonies, however, is the persistent and rarely resisted pressure on local administrations to structure their tax policies and labor laws to serve the interests of settler enterprise and settler farms. South Africa provided the model: there, a complex system of regulations restricting African enterprise, employment, movement, and residence proved capable of supplying the labor and status needs of internationally owned mining companies, Afrikaner farmers, and the white working class alike.

It was, indeed, the alignment of these interests that brought about the move from a segregationist settler state after unification in to one of apartheid in , and it would be the unraveling of this alignment that would bring about its demise in the s. They too were developing significant urban white populations especially in Algeria and also saw the rise of significant social divisions in rural areas, with a class of precarious white smallholders coming to be seen as at once an economic burden on the state and a focus of status anxiety among whites.

States needed to maintain race-based land and labor policies in order to defend white privilege not to mention restrict costs , but here another tension inherent to twentieth-century settler colonialism came into play, for these were not independent states. They were bound, rather, to imperial metropoles facing international and internal pressure to reconcile colonialism with progressive sentiments and the ideology of trusteeship. Openly coercive labor and tax policies were easy targets for critics: the Portuguese in Angola and Mozambique, for example, like King Leopold in the Congo, faced international condemnation for forcing Africans into the labor market through quotas, guarantees, and other harsh interventionist policies.

Labor policy was, as a result, at once coercive and prone to occasional, humanitarian-inspired, crises de conscience. Thus, for example, while African men in Kenya were required to carry employment passes and all Africans labored under a Master and Servants Ordinance that made breach of contract a criminal offense,19 when Governor Edward Northey in urged government officials to take up the task of labor recruitment, the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society and other groups raised the charge of forced labor, and the British government compelled him to back down.

Thus, whereas African settlers fought to enlist the state in efforts to eliminate peasant production, Japanese colonial governors sought to knit its empire to the metropolitan economy by instigating agricultural revolutions similar to that which had swept through Japan with Meiji rule. The financial burdens of modernization would be borne, in part, by rural taxation; as in Japan, then, Taiwan and Korea underwent a series of land survey and registration programs in order to classify land, identify ownership, simplify transactions, promote better utilization, and—most important—provide accurate assessments for tax.

In effect, the purpose of the policy was not necessarily to create a group of propertyless workers for Japanese settlers, but to rationalize landholdings and subject all local laborers to the combined disciplining pressures of the market and of massive new agricultural development programs; producers would be enticed by the prospect of increased purchasing power while at the same time be made capable of paying local taxes.

Later, when Japan moved to a semi-war economy, local labor in the colonies was again reoriented to the economic needs of the metropole, as exemplified by the state-directed industrialization of Korea in the s. Often from poor rural backgrounds, they were—while certainly privileged in comparison to the local populace—viewed instrumentally by colonial propagandists, colonial governors, and the imperial state. In practice, settlers were drawn by the promise of small-scale business opportunities and became, if anything, a force for urbanization: while only 10 percent of interwar Koreans lived in cities, fully 70 percent of Japanese settlers did so.

Elaborating Settler Colonialism: Law and Representation The concept of civil society is difficult to apply to settler colonies, for when settler colonialism is most fully elaborated civil institutions mirror the settlerindigene divide or are the exclusive preserve of settlers. Just as settler economic privilege in such cases is assured through laws restricting local access to land and deploying local labor, so too is political privilege embedded in the legal and political structure, with settlers enjoying metropolitan standards of justice and rights denied to the indigenous population.

In practice, of course, legal and political systems were more varied and uneven, with African colonies despite considerable variation and Japanese colonies again following somewhat different paths. In the settler colonies in Africa, racial segregation separated non-whites from whites in almost all spheres of public and private life. This kind of institutional segregation was hardly the basis for any kind of assimilationist politics, and for much of the period of colonial rule indigenous populations were excluded from voting rights and represented if at all by government-appointed officials.

Multiracial power sharing would inevitably encroach upon settler privilege, and was thus only seriously contemplated in the wake of the mobilization of colonial troops and economies in the Second World War. Once again Japan pursued a rather different course from that of the European colonizers, crafting legal and political systems largely to serve wider imperial— and not primarily settler—ends.

In Taiwan and Korea, governors-general ruled their polyglot populations with massive bureaucracies there were some , Japanese civil servants in Korea by the s34 and a strong hand. Military authorities played a prominent role, and the permanent local police forces were a constant presence even in the remotest corners of a colony.

Germany followed a similar pattern in Poland. By contrast, Britain and France ran their colonies with tiny administrations and on a shoestring at least until the postwar period , forcing local administrations not only to devolve significant authority onto settlers especially in times of unrest but also to search hard for collaborators who would guarantee law and order without challenging either settler privilege or imperial control.

Settlers and the End of Empire The end of colonial rule in different areas was shaped by the global politics and international responses set in motion by colonial expansion and domination. Japanese expansion into Taiwan, Korea, and Manchuria, as well as the German drive in Eastern Europe, were born from metropolitan agendas that saw the acquisition of colonial territories and the deployment of settlers as part of a drive to achieve international standing and regional hegemony in a world hitherto dominated by Britain and France. For both antidemocratic regimes, settler colonialism ended with global conflict.

That same war, however, bought some time for European populations in Algeria, Mozambique, Kenya, and Southern Rhodesia. Although the world increasingly viewed formal colonial rule as a political anachronism, settler colonialism survived. This is explicable, in part, in economic terms, for with their domestic resources depleted, European governments turned to settler agriculture and enterprise to provide needed imports and foreign exchange alike. Ideological refurbishment was also much in evidence: France sought to recover from the humiliation of Vichy by articulating a yet-more-expansive rhetoric of assimilation; Portugal insisted on its historic aptitude for empire building and exported thousands of settlers to Mozambique and Angola ; even Britain turned away from trusteeship and indirect rule to adopt a language of colonial development and multiracial government.

Yet the concern to protect settler populations meant these new ideals were scarcely implemented on the ground. Up until — at least, British governments envisaged progress toward multiracialism to be much slower in the settler colonies than in West Africa; successive French governments promised they would never let Algeria go. Revealingly, they met African demands not just for increased representation but for self-rule and concomitant pressure from metropoles for concessions with the rhetoric of republicanism.

Algerian colons and Rhodesian farmers felt themselves only distantly tied to remote metropoles, and Jewish settlers in Palestine were not tied to any metropole at all; like American settlers before them, then, they invoked their right to defend their hard-won property and when pushed to self-determination as well. Metropoles were reluctant to coerce them. For liberal states, the costs moral as well as military of these wars proved too high. Amid revelations of the use of torture and international condemnation, both Britain and France withdrew; the decisions to do so were viewed by the settler populations as the ultimate acts of betrayal.

Japanese settlers tried to, making their way back from Manchuria or Korea as waves of warfare and retribution washed over them. Germans settlers in Poland likewise fled westward as Soviet armies advanced; with Nazi defeat, their numbers would be swelled by the forcible expulsion of millions of ethnic Germans from Czechoslovakia and Eastern Europe. Yet, whatever choices they made, settlers continued to be a lightning rod for postcolonial anxieties and dilemmas. In the former empires, repatriated settlers were often viewed with disquiet, as bearers of right-wing extremism or as nagging reminders of imperial enthusiasms many now preferred to forget.

Sometimes, then, they went out of their way to accommodate settlers and protect thereby their access to international capital; other times—as recently in Zimbabwe—they stoked land hunger or demands for retribution in order to flaunt their independence, crack down on dissident movements, or consolidate power. But the legacies of settler colonialism are not only felt in those places to which settlers returned or in which they stayed on.

To say this is, of course, nothing new: there is a dense literature written by political scientists and historians treating the ways in which the economic relations, state structures, geopolitical boundaries, or ethnic identities invented by imperial powers constrain and bedevil their successor regimes. Yet might a focus on the degree of settler autonomy and settler privilege within the colonial regime shed some light on postcolonial trajectories? In a recent essay comparing the postindependence political structures and economic performances of Korea, Taiwan, and Vietnam, Bruce Cumings suggests how their colonial pasts help to account for divergence.

Of course, this is hardly the only legacy, for African populations also live with the often undiversified and export-oriented economies bequeathed to them by their imperial rulers. Conclusions and Implications When political scientists have compared settler projects or states across regions and time, they have done so largely in order to develop hypotheses or theories about state expansion, regime structure, or political violence that might be of present-day use—that might, for example, offer insights to those coping with the conflict over Israeli settlement and governance within the West Bank or the worsening abuses of government power in Zimbabwe.

What we have sought to do here is first to argue for the analytical usefulness of a now relatively little-used term, settler colonialism, to offer a definition, to suggest some variables by which we might measure its applicability and strength, and to develop a typology within which we might plot particular historical cases.

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Second, we hold up a set of instances of twentieth-century settler colonialism in the hope that, through comparison, the character of any particular national or imperial venture might be seen more clearly. A first and most obvious is that the significance of settlement projects cannot be measured simply by size, but must be studied for the ways in which they impact colonial state structures, colonial economies, and indigenous populations.

WW2 Japanese Officer Sword with Battle Damage

Only sometimes do settler projects metamorphose into settler colonialism; only sometimes do colonial states come to adopt the settler-native distinction as their foundation for all law. Yet in terms of land alienation and legal structure, settlers as opposed to imperial administrators had a far more profound impact on the character of the colonial regimes in Algeria and Kenya than in Korea. A second conclusion must be, then, that while European rule in many parts of colonial Africa fits our definition of settler colonialism relatively well, Japanese colonial rule does so only very partially.

Rather, the point is that these different types of imperial rule affected subject populations and successor nation-states in different and lasting ways—ways that can only be grasped if the interventions themselves are studied comparatively and analytically. There is, moreover, one final reason to insist on the usefulness of the term settler colonialism and the value of renewed attention to its character and dynamics. This is, of course, that the democratic new world states in which many of us work and live, were—and in ways we hardly appreciate, remain— settler colonial states.

Republican freedom and band-of-brothers exclusivity are the entangled twin foundational ideologies of the settler colonial state, and our own ambiguous inheritance. Notes 1. This conceptual shift has powerfully reshaped colonial American, Australian, and Native American and American western history, with far too many significant works in print to be cited here.

John K. Wolfe W. Robert J. Bernard M. Roger M. Ramon H. Myers and Mark R. Peattie Princeton, N.

Settler Colonialism in the Twentieth Century: Projects, Practices, Legacies

Peter Duus, Ramon H. Myers, and Mark R. Norton, , , gives that Korean population as one and a half million by Kristin Mann and Richard Roberts, eds. Mamdani, Citizen and Subject. Mark R. Knopf, ; Stora, Algeria, pt. See, e. By the nineteenth century many of those new world colonies had become nations, their indigenous populations eliminated, marginalized, or assimilated, and their ties to the metropole severed or rendered benign.

Often democratic or republican in ideology and political form, their exclusivist foundations had been repressed, forgotten, or sometimes partially overcome. The nineteenth-century settler colonies in Africa were founded with similar ideals in mind. The hope of economic opportunity lured a polyglot European population to Algeria; the promise of cheap land and abundant labor led would-be British aristocrats and adventurers to follow the railways into Kenya; more straitened Portuguese, German, British, and South African settlers would seek their fortunes in Mozambique and Angola, South West Africa, and Southern Rhodesia.

Yet the character and trajectory of these later settler projects was very different. Settler ambitions notwithstanding, colonial powers themselves undergoing processes of nation building and state consolidation never quite ceded political control, and in some cases even sought to incorporate the territory directly into the administrative structures of the metropole. Nor were indigenous African populations either so dramatically decimated or so successfully incorporated as to make North Atlantic or Latin American outcomes possible.

In Algeria, Kenya, the Rhodesias, and elsewhere, European states ended up managing colonies with minority settler populations that were determined to monopolize economic resources and codify exclusive legal and political privileges. Often, carried away by ambition or by the rhetoric of the civilizing mission, metropolitan authorities colluded with these settlers.

A third wave of settler projects, among them those examined in this section, is different again. For the Japanese in Korea and Manchuria, settlers were tools to be deployed in a broader project of national consolidation and regional domination; for the Portuguese under Salazar and the Italians under Mussolini, settler projects were a means of demonstrating great-power status on the world stage. Most extremely, for the Nazi state, settlement of ethnic Germans in the East was part of an explicit project of racial ordering, cleansing, and domination.

In all these cases, settlers were at once the beneficiaries and servants of powerful state interests. It is in the case of Palestine, where Zionist settlers sought—with some great-power sympathy but not at their behest—to build a Jewish nation-state out of a diasporic population, that we again encounter that language of republican citizenship and organic community characteristic of the nineteenth-century AngloAmerican or French settler colonies.

The chapters in this section examine the ideological visions, and to a degree the practices, that drove these settlement projects. Utopian ideas of demographic revival, geopolitical expansion, national recovery, or racial consolidation underwrote these efforts, yet as Hyung Gu Lynn discovers of early settlement in Korea and Gershon Shafir demonstrates of early Zionist settlement in Palestine, in all cases theorists and planners not to mention settlers found themselves forced to adapt to the conditions they found on the ground.

First among these dilemmas was the problem of the indigenous population, and states deployed very different strategies to deal with them. Late settlement projects were extreme but also derivative phenomena. Yet if twentieth-century settler colonialism drew on early French and British models, those states were, after , less certain of their imperial convictions. The stakes in these rhetorical battles were high.

The reason for this seems quite obvious. In colonial Korea for example, the total numbers of Japanese did not account for much more than 3 percent of the total population during any year. Furthermore, the majority of Koreans were not driven to remote parts of the land or corralled into reservations. On closer inspection, however, the connections between settler colonialism and Japanese colonial rule in Korea — become much more apparent.

First, regardless of the numerical results, there were sustained and multiple efforts to establish large settlements of Japanese in all of its colonies. Second, the concept of settler colonialism directs attention to the easily discerned yet relatively underanalyzed intersection of Malthusian thought, organization, and migration in Japanese colonialism. In turn, this facilitates the study of colonial history in connection with migration and demographic histories, rather than as a separate field of enquiry.

This chapter focuses on the establishment, operations, and consequences of state-organized migration of rural Japanese households to Korea. After encountering very limited success in attracting and sending settlers, the ODC eventually evolved into a primarily financial institution. By the time of colonization in , this population had increased to , Sale of land to foreigners in the open ports and surrounding areas became legal under the Anglo-Korean Treaty, and once the protectorate administration was organized in , Japanese officials proceeded to introduce various pieces of legislation that facilitated Japanese ownership of Korean land.

Political and legal changes created necessary conditions for the increase in the Japanese population in Korea, but additional factors were also necessary to diffuse the idea, if not the reality, of migration. In particular, the fear of overpopulation and the emergence of emigration as the solution fueled ever more calls for new settlement projects. Malthus, of course, posited that as societies flourished, resources increased arithmetically while population increased geometrically, reaching a point of diminishing returns on increasingly scarce land.

Numbers would then inevitably decrease through famine, disease, and wars. None of these writings or undertakings, however, made any serious attempt to connect migration with surplus population. Rather, the predominant language at the time was one of military, political, and short-term economic concerns, with the settlers in borderlands filling the role of hired help, defense fodder, or ersatz fence posts.

The government recognized urban unemployment as a problem, but urbanization rates were not unusually high in the — period. At the same time the total area of arable land also increased, as did rice-production volumes. Nonetheless, these developments were not enough to keep Japan from becoming, from , a permanent net importer of rice. Yet the realities of the demographic conditions in Japan, or for that matter Korea, were irrelevant to the champions of Japanese emigration.

Whether or not there was an actual population problem was less important than the perception that one existed, and that there was an ideal solution to it. The original impetus for creating the organization came from bureaucrats in the Taiwan Government General, but the membership included a cross-section of colonial officials, politicians, and businessmen. This image became a touchstone for subsequent works. When their presence was recognized, Koreans were portrayed as backward people who would benefit from the influence of Japanese settlers. For example, a book argued that the development of Korean commerce, agriculture, and society required the presence of Japanese settlers.

This would generate increases in harvests and productivity, which in turn would allow Korea to support greater numbers of Japanese settlers in both the cities and the countryside. Some political figures asserted that the prevailing images of Korea as an empty, potentially fertile colony were based on shoddy research and false premises. One of the leading popularizers of economics, Taguchi Ukichi, presented his critique of Malthus in , while a leading economist, Kawakami Hajime, published his first article criticizing Malthus and the translation in The Oriental Development Company was such a bridge.

Upon his return, Komatsubara headed an organizing committee within the Association that spent the summer drawing up plans. All national policy companies were incorporated under their own special corporate law, and were established with one of three official missions, concentrating in colonization and development, munitions and national security industries, or local development and distribution projects.

In Portuguese Mozambique and several parts of the British and French empires, chartered or concessionary companies were delegated to administer territories in order to minimize fiscal burdens on the taxpayer and on government budgets in the metropole. In some cases, the settlers brought in by these companies became a de facto advance guard for future colonization that could be placed on the borders of unclaimed territories.

However, the ODC was dissimilar to the British East India Company and the British South Africa Company in that it did not administer the territories on behalf of the government; nor was it the product of an adventurous entrepreneur such as a Cecil Rhodes. The standard periodization for the ODC is —, —, and —, and is based on changes in its incorporation law. These and other changes reflected the transformation of the company from one whose primary function was to transport and aid agricultural settlers to Korea into a diversified conglomerate with investments in various industries throughout Asia.

After , especially, the ODC provided loans for a variety of operations in Manchuria and China, and invested in companies in strategic industries, such as electricity, mining, and agriculture. This particular evaluation has not changed over the years: post historians who have written on the ODC, regardless of their political leanings, all seem to agree that its settlement projects were failures.

This is not to suggest that Japanese settlers did not have any significant impact on the colonies. In terms of gross numbers, Japanese reached a total of around , out of some 26,, in Korea and , out of roughly 6,, in Taiwan. In other words, the total number of Japanese settlers in Korea roughly equaled one smaller prefecture in Japan. Nonetheless, in terms of percentage of the total population, the number of Japanese in Korea never reached higher than 3 percent, while the population of Japanese in Taiwan peaked at 6 percent.

Atwood's Bookshelf

In fact, Manchukuo surpassed Korea in the total population of Japanese , for Korea to , for Manchukuo in Despite efforts to induce tenant farmers and small landowners to move to Korea, in only 3. In contrast, manufacturing and commerce absorbed around 18 percent, and the government 40 percent.

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In , the ODC households accounted for 5. This increased to 30 percent by , and stayed around 40 percent after This number, however, only constituted about 30 percent of the target number of thirteen thousand households. First, settlement projects shifted from the initial idea of moving poor Japanese rural tenant farmers to Korea to using settlers as transmitters of modern agriculture, local facilitators of assimilation, and representatives of colonial rule. The economic qualifications were set high to limit migrants to wealthier Japanese farmers, but not many prosperous farmers were interested in relocating to Korea.

Those in Type One were given smaller plots of land and long-term loans to help them live as owner-farmers. Those in Type Two were given five times the area of land per household as those in Type One, and this land could be leased to tenants. The ODC eventually abandoned the pretense of attracting lower income farmers in when they cancelled the Type One program, then terminated new settlements shipments altogether in The original plan called for ten thousand Japanese to be settled in Korea in , twenty thousand in , and thirty thousand per year after However, the ODC was only able to obtain about one-fourth of the targeted land area total by The original value and area assessments were based on estimates, and when those estimates turned out to be low, no adjustments were made.

The Korean residents in the area filed six separate lawsuits from to , contesting the supposed sale on the grounds that the royal family had never owned the land in the first place, and therefore could not have sold it. In , a Japanese socialist came to the area and took fifteen farmers to the colonial capital to file another petition and stage a sit-in in the courts. Such strong-arm tactics triggered several conflicts with tenant farmers, the largest one occurring in the Hwanghaedo province in the north, in — Many of the settler households were sent into areas of southern Korea that were already cultivated and densely populated.

Even more surprising, the destination sites were actually limited to the southern traditional farming areas until Starting in all provinces, except two of the northern ones, were deemed suitable for settlement, but the vast majority of settlers continued to move into the southern provinces. Several of these accounts portrayed people living in abject conditions, while the survey indicated little in the way of income disparity among the settler households.

Most of the settlers formed small local associations, but in contrast to urban business and merchants associations, ODC settler associations seem to have undertaken little significant lobbying. What petitions were filed tended to be requests for new types of grain or aid in times of need. In wresting land deeds and sending in settlers to densely populated areas, this bridge between metropole and colony generated great disruption within Korea itself.

But, more important for conceptual purposes, the ODC established a pattern that would reappear in other parts of the Japanese Empire. The first step was the re discovery of a population crisis in the home islands, usually by politicians and commentators rather than academic demographers; this was followed by the second step of identifying a target colonial imaginary, the latest instance of misrecognition of a space as fertile, vast, and empty.

Once the solution to the Malthusian nightmare was identified, the third step was for the government to establish a national policy company that would facilitate the migration of Japanese settlers. The fourth step was the actual implementation of settler projects, and the fifth step, the gradual recognition of the failure of the project in specific locales as the actual number of settlers failed to reach target rates.

The ODC template generated several chain reactions, of which two were most significant. One effect was for the cycle to be applied to a different geographical setting. By the start of World War II, the prevailing view seemed to support continued settlement into Manchuria rather than Micronesia. The Taiwan Development Company and the South Seas Development Company were both established in November , while in August , a new national policy firm was established by the Japanese and the Manchukuo governments, with the mission to send agricultural settlers into Manchuria. There are still ongoing debates about causes, but scholars generally agree that Korean population growth rates accelerated from the s through the s.

Up to , the population size remained relatively stable. This resulted in nearly , Koreans migrating to Manchuria by , most of whom were poor tenant farmers who had to endure high interest rates and harsh winters in their new lands. Moreover, the company did not provide any loans or subsidies to Korean settlers. The mission of the company was to move fifteen thousand Korea households from the southern provinces to Manchuria over the next fifteen years.

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  5. By , the number of Koreans in Manchuria reached some 1. The realities of the situation were less important than the pattern itself: the perception of a population problem, the identification of a migration site, the establishment of an institutional vehicle, and the failure to reach target goals. Another , or so that lived in the United States, Brazil, and other parts of the Americas generally stayed on.

    Many Koreans in Manchuria and Japan stayed as well, although the majority also returned to Korea. In the countryside, although a few houses were left by wealthy Japanese businessmen or farmers, we do not find the meandering grand mansions redolent of a distant colonial efflorescence of the sort left by the Portuguese in Mozambique. Conclusion If each age and place has its preoccupations, it is clear what the obsessions of pre Japanese colonial policy makers were.

    The story of the ODC is not just one of facts, places, names, and events, but of dreams and fears that resulted in the alienation of large numbers of Koreans and Japanese farmers from their land. The specters of a Malthusian population problem coursed through the various settlement projects.

    It is this constellation of Malthusian dreams, imagined empty and fertile colonial utopias, national policy companies, and eventual failure that constituted the template that was later applied in other colonial settings. The crescendo of politicians and pundits calling for Japanese to migrate to Korea in the late s and early s was largely driven by concerns over a perceived surplus population problem.

    The template for this was the ODC, established with the mission to conquer Malthusian dreamscapes and colonial imaginaries. The settlement project failed to reach more than 30 percent of its targets, but the land displacement from Japanese settlers amplified the population problem in the colony, and triggered an outflow of poor Korean tenant farmers into Manchuria. This epiphenomenal impact was not limited to Koreans, but extended into other geographic regions.

    It is likely that any attempt to arrive at a general theory that explains each and every variant of modern colonialism is as vain a project as counting stars. The confluence of specific political, military, economic, and psychological reasons are obviously important, and there is a need for further empirical research on migration and settler colonialism in the Japanese Empire. The Oriental Association was known until as the Taiwan Association. Nishihara is better known for his role in facilitating a Japanese government loan to China, — The song likely dates from the mids.

    Kawai Kazuo et al. Tokyo: Fuji shuppan, , It should be noted that not all companies incorporated under their own law were national policy companies. Matsuzawa Isao, Kokusaku kaisha ron Tokyo: Diamondo sha, , 19— Alan T. There are obviously too many works on chartered companies to list here. For an overview, see John S. Mizoguchi Toshiyuki and Umemura Mataji, eds. Hara Akira Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, , Tonga Ilbo, July 12, Mikage Naoyuki, Taiwan takushoku kaisha to sono jidai Tokyo: Ashi shobo, , —67, , ; and Matsuzawa, Kokusaku kaisha ron, 59— While the data varies enormously, most estimates agree that there were at least one million Koreans living in Manchuria as of — Howe London: J.

    Dent and Son, , Taking the long-term view, these arrangements and accompanying sense of entitlement among these settlers served as major barriers to decolonization. Agricultural Workers and Planters In the last three decades of the nineteenth century, the belated arrival of modernization and industrialization undermined the traditional Jewish middleman role in the manorial economy of the Russian Pale of Settlement and central Europe. Instead of following the western European path of emancipation and assimilation, fear of competition on the part of the middle and lower middle classes led to waves of pogroms in southern Russia.

    In response, eastern European Jews experimented with a variety of alternatives: emancipation, assimilation, socialism, Jewish socialism, cultural nationalism and autonomism, territorial nationalism, and retreat behind the walls of a revivalist and fundamentalist orthodoxy. Zionist immigration to Palestine differed from other migrations in its political aims. While trying to break the historical tether that bound their ethnic identity to an economic niche, the Jewish immigrants in Palestine ended up re-creating it in a new form. They could escape Europe, but not rid themselves of it.

    Modern Jewish immigration to Palestine commenced in and this essay focuses on its formative period of the first two immigration waves. The first aliyah wave of immigration of about 20,—30, immigrants came between and ; the approximately 35,—40, immigrants of the second aliyah reached Palestine between and At the time about , Palestinians lived in Palestine. The aim of Jewish immigrant-settlers, like most European emigrants, was to acquire land for settlement.

    Whereas on other frontiers colonization was undertaken by great powers, the Jewish settler-immigrants were not dispatched by and did not act on behalf of a colonial metropole. Without ownership of the land, Eretz Israel will never become Jewish … and Jews will remain in the very same abnormal situation which characterizes them in the diaspora. They will be without a recognized status. But, as the ways of the world go, how does one acquire landed property?

    As a result, the WZO only began purchasing land in Palestine and evolving its mass colonization program when the second aliyah was already on its way. Even then, the WZO was never able to buy enough land for all interested immigrants, and many therefore continued to earn their living as agricultural or industrial workers. All European settlement colonies were not alike.

    The major division lies between plantation colonies like those in South Africa and the southern United States that relied heavily on cheap labor and erected color bars to separate the races and elevate all whites over blacks, and societies like those in Australia and the northern United States that sought to exclude nonwhite workers altogether and create a pure settlement type colony.

    Which of these two models—plantation colony or homogenous settlement colony—Palestine would become was the crux of the dilemma for Zionist settler-immigrants. The institutions and character of Jewish settlement in Palestine were initially formed in imitation of other colonial models.

    Rothschild recruited French colonial agronomists from Northern Africa to reorganize the failing settlements of the first aliyah by copying the model of French colonial agriculture in Africa, particularly in Algeria, Egypt, and Tunisia. His first envoy and director of agriculture, Justin Dugourd, who had worked in Algeria and Egypt, recommended developing viticulture in Palestine. The new plantation agriculture was based, first and foremost, on cash crops, primarily the grape.

    Almonds later became equally important, and orange production grew steadily throughout the period. Although attempts were made to diversify production through the addition of jasmine and other perfume plants, cotton, silk, sugarcane, tea, opium, and other products typical of colonial agriculture, these attempts failed. Agricultural production was redirected from subsistence or the selling of surplus in the local markets into production for the international market. The monocultural vineyards, though on a smaller scale in Palestine than in North Africa, relied on employment of a large, unskilled, and seasonal Palestinian Arab labor force mixed with a small Jewish labor force.

    The extensive employment of Arab workers, dictated by their lower wages, limited the potential for Jewish demographic growth in Palestine and pointed out the contradiction between market-based colonization and Jewish national aspirations. The limits of Zionism as a colonial movement were quickly revealed, and it might have gone the way of the other late-nineteenth- and twentieth-century colonial movements analyzed in this volume. Zionism, however, was a national movement as much as it was a colonial one.

    The tool for waging the labor market struggle in political and ideological terms was the newly formed Hapoel Hatzair Young Worker Party that, in effect, ushered in the powerful Jewish Labor Movement in Palestine. Jewish agricultural workers successfully monopolized skilled jobs, pruning and grafting in the vineyards and operating irrigation pumps in the orange orchards. They were also intermittently able to claim the office of guarding the moshavot and their agricultural crops. Unskilled wages, however, did not reach a European standard of living and remained insufficient to support a family.

    By — the workers of the second aliyah understood that the planters would neither yield nor be forced to prefer eastern European Jewish to Palestinian Arab workers. Consequently, a Jewish labor force could not be reproduced on the plantations. Workers repeatedly confirmed that a young person could remain committed to his or her ideals for five years at most; afterward the desire to have a family kicked in, and the hopelessness of the situation could no longer be avoided.

    Workers, it seemed, had reached a dead end, and indeed the largest emigration in all the Jewish waves of immigration, as high as 90 percent of the whole wave according to David Ben-Gurion, took place during the second aliyah. Workers thus began turning from the market to politics, seeking to be the foot soldiers of a state in the making that would subsidize and protect them. The planters of the first aliyah were divided in response to these demands.

    For the planters the problem of Zionist colonization was above all economic, and had to be resolved through the creation of viable moshavot, even if this approach provided no opportunity for increasing the number of Jewish workers. A more radical approach was offered by the most class-conscious member of the planter elite, Mordechai Ben-Hillel Hacohen. Whoever wishes to work will come to us—to our institutions. They possessed an almost unlimited supply of low-paid Arab workers.

    Its leader was Aharon Aaronsohn, who though he never completed his higher education became a world-renowned botanist and was the discoverer of wild wheat, ancestor of all cultivated wheat. But upon succeeding in raising sufficient funds to establish an experimental agricultural station in Atlit, near Hedera, he chose to return to Palestine.

    Aaronsohn combined a paternalistic attitude to Arab society, justifying the employment of lower-paid Arab men, women, and children wherever possible in order to utilize their ecologically sound traditional knowledge in agriculture. They also sought to democratize the moshavot by extending the vote from the planters to all its permanent residents.

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