Lúltim cop que vaig veure París (Clàssica) (Catalan Edition)


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Altura Andilla Ares del Maestrat Atzeneta del Maestrat Barracas Benafer Benaguasil Benassal Benimodo and Ressalany Borriana, Beniham, Seca and la Jova Borriol Bunyol Carlet and Massalet Castell de Cabres, Vilanova and Mola Escabossa Caudiel Culla Domenyo Eslida Fanzara Fondeguilla Forcall Herbers Llombai Loriguilla Macastre Manises Mascarell Nules Moixent Montroi Oliva Orxeta Padull and les Dotze Bocairent Paterna Pedralba Pina Planes Pobla de Vallbona Segairent Sueca Serra Sinarques Sogorb Sollana and Trullars Soneixa Sorita Sot de Xera Suera Toixa Torres Vallibona Veo and Xinquer Vilafermosa Vilafranca del Maestrat Vilamalefa Vilamarxant Vilar de Canes Vila-real Vistabella Viver Xella Xelva Xest Xestalgar Alpont Castellfabib Figure 2.

Aragonese roots, the majority at the time, and the Crown and the royal estate of Valencia. The king also gave up monopolies and exactions of rights outside his direct domains, while the use of natural resources remained in dispute, as we shall discuss below. First of all, since the midth century there had been a general bailiff chosen by the king, for the length of time he wished, who was in charge of receiving and tallying the emoluments from his direct domains via a network of subordinate local bailiffs, who were chosen by the official himself, at least in the 14th century, when a general bailiff just for the former Castilian lands around Oriola was also established.

Specifically, the bailiffs were in charge of collecting the revenues, urban taxes, monopolies and ordinary taxes paid in the royal boroughs, as well as the penalties and compositions imposed by the justices — the royal justice officials on a municipal level — and the tariffs applied to exports. What is more, they tried to enforce the bans on exports for certain products, were in charge of the sound physical condition of the royal castles, and worked as appeal judges in minor cases which involved Jews and Muslims from the royal domain, as ordinary.

In fact, his court of justice was the remote ancestor of the later Royal Audience of Valencia. The Crown directly owned fewer assets than in the 13th century, but the legitimacy and stability of its power had increased by being disputed, agreed upon, mediatised and shared by the other social sectors around the territory. The power of the estates At the time that the Kingdom of Valencia was created in , the Courts had sporadically been meeting in Catalonia and Aragon for a few decades with the participation of the Church, the nobility and increasingly frequently the royal universities.

What is more, after the incorporation of the southern lands near Oriola in , the bishop of Cartagena, the diocese to which it belonged, also held competences in the Kingdom of Valencia, although he was never part of the Church estate of the Courts since he was from Castile and thus constantly embattled with the leaders from Oriola, who wanted a diocese of their own. On the other hand, the military orders established in Catalonia and Aragon also received domains in Valencia, especially the Orders of the Temple and the Hospitallers in the northern part, most of which were folded into the new Order of Montesa, which was founded in as the outcome of disappearance of the Templars and was exclusive to Valencia.

Finally, during the 13th century, only two. The Mercedarians also created a monastery in Santa Maria del Puig in , the Carthusians in Portaceli and Valldecrist in and , and the Hieronymites in Cotalba in However, given that they were redemptive or enclosed orders, they did not participate in the major political debates. In fact, the Church estate of the Valencian Courts remained stable throughout the entire century, and the Courts were still attended by the same members as in , with the occasional addition of the commanders of the Castilian order of Santiago, which held possessions in the Kingdom of Valencia, and the Order of the Hospital, which had retained the domain of Torrent near the capital of Valencia.

This is shown by the fact that the master Pere de Tous was in charge of organising the royalist side that sought to put down the revolt of the Union waged in Despite this, the fact is that the inherited nobility in Valencia was usually characterised by its weakness compared to its counterparts in Catalonia and Aragon. Indeed, the Crown tended to hand out medium-sized or small realms — some of them extremely small — and avoided creating noble titles specific to Valencia, which did not start to be granted until the second half of the 14th century.

In consequence, there were not as many nobles and knights with lands in the Kingdom of Valencia as in Catalonia and Aragon, and there was not such a complex network of vassalage. Furthermore, while the leading Catalan and especially Aragonese barons summoned retinues upwards of 30 armed horses, the Valencians had no more than fifteen. Beyond that, the. It was elevated to the Duchy of Gandia in Still, in addition to a series of urban knights, some members of the petty nobility also joined the movement, a clear sign that since the agreement on the Furs there had been deepening interestate ties and a kind of permeability among the urban and knightly leaders.

In fact, it seems that right around this time the nobles and knights began to move en masse to the city of Valencia, the main site where power was concentrated in the territory. Specifically, the huge strides in the seigneurialisation of the country over the century, along with the tax contributions required by the Crown to maintain the spiral of war campaigns that lasted from the conquest of Sardinia in until the end of the war with Castile in , led to constant conflicts between the estate of the royal boroughs and the nobility.

On the one hand, the increase in seigneurial realms both inside and outside the jurisdictional boundaries of the royal municipalities resulted in heightened struggles over issues of justice and access to material resources; indeed, the use of pasturelands by the city of Valencia was the particular focal point of many of these disputes, as we shall recount below. At the same time, there were also many disagreements over the urban contribution of the nobles and knights living in the royal boroughs, which were usually resolved via taxa-.

The monarch intended to apply them to all the land he planned to seize, but he had not yet occupied all of it nor did all the places he had conquered until then follow these laws. Likewise, the second chapter exclusively granted the inhabitants of the city of Valencia total freedom to use pasturelands in any part of the entire kingdom, regardless of the realm to which it belonged.

The citizens had managed to establish this through a royal privilege in and it continued, with a brief five-year hiatus during the reign of Peter the Great r. In fact, that was where the complex irrigation system inherited from Al-Andalus was developed to maintain the extensive, productive farmlands that nourished and supplied the urban growth.

Given this, the role played by the city of Valencia in the political system of the kingdom was essential from the very start. Its power had reached the point where in — 13 years before Barcelona — it managed to release itself from the obligation to contribute monetarily to the king whenever he requested it, which allowed it to have greater margin of action when gaining political compensations in fiscal negotiations. What is more, its economic importance was such that in the numerous subsidies to the Crown documented in the midth century, its contribution always accounted for half or more of the total granted by the royal estate.

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Likewise, all the gatherings of the Courts until the midth century were always held in the city of Valencia itself, and even in the general subsidies granted during the s and , the capital acted as a separate estate, with its own deputies and administrators different to those of the nobility, the Church and the other royal boroughs. The only exception was the bovalars, which were zones exclusively reserved for the livestock of each realm, delimited with the supervision of the Crown. There was a constant spate of lawsuits, and Valencia actually established a court of its own to issue rulings; more than cases were brought before this court in barely three years during the midth century and they involved more than 90 different towns all around the kingdom.

Given this, the capital had to deal with members of the royal and other estates. As is common knowledge, this dispute escalated to unleash a civil war in Valencia. Yet at the same time, it grew and gained ground as the political, social and economic capital of a land which showed major integration: it was the seat of the leading institutions, the place of residence of the elites and the nucleus that concentrated the most mercantile, military and financial enterprises.

Yet this consolidation in no way staved off conflict; instead, it was an essential, intrinsic factor in the very process. The events and political development Generally speaking, the 14th century can be divided into three main phases in the politics of the Crown of Aragon. The first one approximately corresponds to the reign of James II r. The second one spanned the central decades of the century, more or less from the conquest of Sardinia in until the end of the war with Castile in It was shaped by a constant succession of wars against external enemies — such as the Sardinians, the Genovese, the Nassarites, the Marinids and the Castilians — and by the revolt of the Union in Aragon and Valencia internally, as well as by the acceleration in the process of constructing a stable general tax system mediatised by the leaders of the estates via the Courts.

Finally, the third phase came in the last third of the century, when the different members of political society struggled intensely for control over the political and institutional system that resulted from the changes that had taken place in the previous stages. Obviously, these sweeping general stages were expressed uniquely in each territory according to its own socio-political conditions. Instead, the royal universities granted one while the nobles and knights granted another much smaller donation exclusively meant to wipe out the debts that the Crown.

In fact, in the Courts of Valencia of and , no legislative or fiscal agreements were reached because of the open wound over this dispute. James II tried to heal it in by summoning the main parties involved in the conflict, but no agreement was reached despite the repeated rounds of negotiation. However, it was never put into place because of the illness and death of Jaume II shortly thereafter.

The first was the conquest of the lands in Murcia near Oriola between and , their incorporation into the territory and their joining the jurisdiction of Valencia via their own attorney general. The second was the creation of the Order of Montesa in with the assets of the vanished Templars in Valencia, coupled with the vast majority of possessions of the Order of the Hospital, which came to be owned by masters faithful to the Crown such as Arnau de Soler , tutor of the eldest son of James II, Pere de Tous , Albert de Tous and Berenguer March Nonetheless, that was precisely when the differences between the city of Valencia and the monarchs were catapulted into the foreground, beginning with the gradual disposal of the royal assets.

Despite the promise secured from James II in — immediately after his eldest son, James the Senseless, refused to marry and inherit the throne — not to divide the territories of the Crown or give up its direct domains, the fact is that numerous royal boroughs were transferred thereafter. That clash led first to the mutiny led by the jurist of Valencia Francesc de Vinatea in late and later to the persecution of Queen Elionor of Castile upon the death of Alphonse the Benign and the accession to the throne of their first son, Peter the Ceremonious in Despite this, the expansionist and military policy of the Crown led Peter the Ceremonious to dispose of many more assets and to considerably increase the fiscal pressure on the royal boroughs, which had to resort to municipal debt for the first time.

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While in Catalan and Aragonese lands, the nobility had refused to grant any subsidy to the monarch for over half a century — since the Courts from the beginning of the 14th century — the Valencian nobility had granted them after the agreements of , initially through a five-year subsidy granted in those same Courts, and later with another three-year subsidy approved in the Courts of , which was managed by deputies of the nobility, the Church, the city of Valencia and the royal towns. Indeed, from until , the Valencians held up to twelve different assemblies of the Courts. Given this, a new period got underway in which the political society of each territory interacted with the institutions and the composition of power that had coalesced previously.

At the same time, the question of the Furs versus the Fueros had ceased being a prime issue, and, in fact, the nobility had no longer primarily Aragonese origins, while the city of Valencia had gradually come into focus as the main hub of political, economic and social power throughout the entire kingdom. As discussed above, the capital itself had ceased being the uncontested leader of the royal estate and was subjected to a process of oligarchisation of its leaders after the revolt of the Union.

The latter had also been forging family or political bonds in an increasingly malleable way, such that the direct clashes among the estates noted until had been replaced by an array of more open, varied alliances. In short, the conflicts were no longer targeted as much at trying to change or contradict the existing structures as at trying to shape and control the mechanisms of a political and institutional system that was increasingly consolidated and entrenched around the territory as a whole.

It was somehow an instability caused by the growth, development and gradual spread of the institutions of governance and administration in all spheres. Regardless, by the early 15th century nobody could dispute the political integrity of the territory or its institutional and legal entity; to the contrary, they all struggled to occupy its power structures and speak on behalf of the kingdom and all Valencians, a collective selfawareness which, in fact, ended up exploding throughout that other century.

Archive of the Crown of Aragon, Cancelleria, reg. In: Juan Antonio Barrio Barrio ed. Marfil, Alcoy , pp. Sobre el particularisme dels valencians en els segles xiv i xv. Beyond Lords and Peasants. The Making of Polities: Europe, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Biblioteca Valenciana, Valencia , p.


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Edicions 62, Barcelona , vol. Estructura de una magistratura medieval valenciana. Guerra, relacions de poder i fiscalitat negociada Cartes de poblament medievals valencianes. Liber patrimonii regii Valentiae. Anales de la Universidad de Alicante. Historia Medieval, no. Els llibres de comptes de la batllia de Morvedre a la fi del segle xiv. Imprenta del Archivo, Barcelona , p.

The increase in the activities and competences of the two general bailiffs of the Kingdom of Valencia can be readily seen by checking their books online conserved in: Archive of the Crown of Aragon, Reial Patrimoni, Mestre Racional, Volums, Batllies Generals, Valencia, no. El Justicia de Valencia: Revista de Historia Moderna, no. Malhechores, violencia y justicia ciudadana en la Valencia bajomedieval Valencia, municipio medieval. Generalitat Valenciana, Valencia Llengua i Literatura, no. El Maestre Racional de Valencia.

Cuadernos de Historia Moderna, no. Regarding those Courts, see Vicent Baydal Sala. Los monasterios valencianos. El naixement del monestir cistercenc de la Valldigna. Universitat de. Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, Cuenca , vol. In: Maria Teresa Ferrer i Mallol ed. El darrer rei de la dinastia de Barcelona We have decided not to use the Catalan versions of the names of the Aragonese nobles or those with roots in Aragon in order to clearly distinguish them from the Catalans and Valencians, given the importance of this issue for much of the period examined in this article.

El rei James I. Fets, actes i paraules. Alfons el Vell, duc reial de Gandia Una revuelta ciudadana contra el autoritarismo real. Doctoral thesis. Valencia, municipio medieval Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona Renda i fiscalitat en una ciutat medieval: Barcelona segles xii xiv. Hispania, vol. In: De Murbiter a Morvedre. Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona , vol. Afers, Catarroja and Barcelona , pp. Ligarzas, no. Corts Valencianes, Valencia Generalitat de Catalunya, Barcelona , p.

In: Ricard Bellveser Icardo ed. In: Antoni Riera i Melis. Francesc Eiximenis c. Els valencians, des de quan He is an expert in political, fiscal and military history and the history of identities. He has participated in numerous research projects and has published five books and around 30 scholarly articles and book chapters. Abstract In the year period falling between two health emergencies, a cholera epidemic and the Spanish Civil War , Catalonia underwent a profound transformation in all aspects of life.

This was expressed in an awakening and desire for modernisation and the recovery of its national personality. In the first 25 years, which dovetailed with the Modernist era, Catalan society became aware of its situation — in the field of health, as well — and civil society and towns started testing grassroots solutions.

Keywords: epidemics, municipal microbiology laboratory, hygiene, beneficence, social assistance, public health. Introduction The 19th century was a period of social, economic, demographic, ideological and technological changes and transformations. Catalonia experienced the effects of the Industrial Revolution, the phenomenon of urbanisation, the appearance of a new social class — the proletariat — and the awakening of Catalanist feeling with the revival of its language.

While the influence of Romanticism predominated in the first half of the century, positivism and libertarian thinking came to the fore in the latter half. There were also several bouts of malaria in the river deltas, coasts and rice-growing regions. Carrer Casanova, , Barcelona. E-mail: sabate ub. Even though the midth century marked the peak of fertility and had the highest birth rate in Catalonia, it was accompanied by a notable increase in the death rate and mortality of both children and adults.

Between and , the very high child mortality rate dropped from per 1, to 87 per 1,,6 although this was compounded by the deaths caused by wars, uprisings and other violent events. In this scenario, the public administrations only intervened occasionally, and the Spanish state limited itself to issuing laws and regulations, although they were never enforced because of a lack of resources. Only a few municipalities which had hospital asylums were able to house the poor, old, orphaned and decrepit.

Ideologically, the Hippocratic-Galenic ideas of the humours and environmental causes of illnesses still prevailed in medicine in the first two-thirds of the 19th century. Medical training was basically theoretical and speculative in nature. Treatments solved little and were thus counterproductive. All of these factors reveal a fairly precarious health scene with a host of shortcomings. There was an awakening of collective capacities, a mobilisation of human and economic resources, a yearning for. This wave of creative vitality became even more obvious and tangible in the last third of the 19th century, when it penetrated all layers and spheres of society, thought and action.

The drive for the much-needed social and structural reforms and transformations in Catalonia emerged from the grassroots: civil society doctors, urban planners, athenaeums and working-class associations, a few industrial organisations, etc. The mixed construction of a regional welfare state in Catalonia The Spanish state administration refused to act to palliate or resolve these health issues, which sparked unrest and alarm in society, including repeated outbreaks of violent uprisings.

Among its goals were to revive some of the local institutions of political self-governance lost in the War of the Spanish Succession between the Hapsburg and Bourbon rivals. At that time, Catalan society felt neglected, marginalised or even punished by the Spanish state, and it sought alternative formulas to deal with its specific needs.

This gave rise to the mobilisation of the active forces in society, which gradually created instruments that allowed the problems to be palliated and the creation of an institutional system that would cover the shortcomings of the Spanish state. In the year period encompassed in this article, Catalan society went through two stages with different characteristics, known as Modernism and Noucentisme.

Modernism was characterised by spontaneity, individualism, boldness, a return to nature naturalism , references to the Middle Ages Gothic art and the revival of the local language and traditions. In science, it is associated with positivism, which rejects theoretical or specula-. In the practice of health, we can find the start of active prevention through vaccinations for cholera, rabies, the plague, etc.

Noucentisme was characterised by order, arbitrariness, teamwork, measure, a return to norms normativism , a reference to classical antiquity Mediterraneanness and the recovery of a certain degree of self-governance. In science, experimentalism prevailed, with the appearance of research centres. In the practice of health, Noucentisme signalled the start of public health and social assistance, with the creation or modernisation of major infrastructures.

The members of this profession, who were in close, constant contact with the precarious living and health conditions of the majority of people, raised their voices and set pen to paper to condemn the causes of that situation and suggest reform-oriented solutions.

Pauperism Poverty, alcoholism and prostitution were the scourge of urban industrial society in the 19th century. Salaries that were insufficient to cover the most basic needs of the proletarian population9 predisposed them to the phenomena of marginalisation, personal degradation and social ills like alcoholism and prostitution.

Pere Felip Monlau was one of the first to point out that the majority of medical problems among the working class originated from and could be solved by economic and social means. Hence their physical degeneration; hence transmitting life to devilish and ailing beings like themselves; and hence the enervation of the generations. Physical degeneration comes hand in hand with moral degradation: poverty is naturally affected by incurable dejection, by extreme negligence: hence the habits of a lack of foresight, drunkenness and libertine behaviour which can be observed in the indigent population.

The birth. The Sexenni revolucionari Six Years of Revolution, pressured the public administrations to provide social and health services. Those who cared for orphans and foundlings tried to fight against the high child mortality rate of the period. Until the s, the Town Halls met the social needs of the poor in hostels and the ill in first-aid hospitals. And starting in the s, the Barcelona Town Hall had published statistics from the civil registry, with data on births, deaths and the causes of death by age, sex, profession, home and place of origin.

This provided the empirical framework for the reforms undertaken in the s and s. The swift industrial growth and the need for labour led to an exodus of people from the rural areas towards the cities. This meant overcrowding in poorly ventilated, moist houses and flats with no running water, no sanitation services toilets, showers and waste water elimination through cesspools. These conditions fostered the transmission of infectious and contagious diseases, which spread like wildfire. Likewise, the existence of cesspools with faecal water led to the contamination of the drinking water, which came from wells, cisterns, fountains or channels in poor condition.

Based on meticulous statistical studies, they showed the health inequalities by neighbourhood, kind of home, income level, diet and social class. At the conference, studies that Garcia Faria himself had performed were presented, pointing out the connection between the sanitary conditions of homes and human pathology. He believed that the salubriousness of homes depended on six parameters: location, building materials, layout, light and ventilation, cubage and general services water, toilet, gas, electricity.

He believed that from both the hygienic and moral standpoints, the ideal home was occupied by a single family. He noted that overcrowding led to impure air and caused organic impoverishment. This factor was omnipresent in workingclass houses. He also posited a close relationship between a series of infectious diseases especially tuberculosis and measles and urban overcrowding. He stated that mortality rises with population density inversely to the amount of space available.

He believed that poor housing was the cause of disease and ultimately death. He thought that death in the working class had two negative consequences: a decline in production and an increase in social spending. He posed the dilemma of whether the social classes should live mixed in the same neighbourhood or segregated, and whether they should live in single-family homes or apartment buildings. He thought that workers should be able to buy their own home, but that the public administration had to provide them with services such as water, sewage and electricity.

Diet Food was another of the problems that concerned the hygienists. In the first half of the 19th century, the poor essentially lived on bread and pap, although they might add a bit of lard to it, while the proletariat might add a piece of. One provided assistance, or charity. After the industrial crisis of , a series of protectors, organisations in a protective board of working-class restaurants, opened food kitchens for unemployed workers and families where they could get a nutritious, varied meal for a minimal price.

They also asked that meat from foreign countries be allowed to enter the country tax-free. This led to the appearance of shops that sold cooked legumes, most of them in working-class neighbourhoods. Malaria In the Mediterranean basin, malaria had been an endemic problem since ancient times. In Catalonia, people had begun to gain awareness of its human and economic cost in the late 19th century.

The hygiene section, which was presided over by Dr Carles Ronquillo, examined the problem of malaria in the Baix Llobregat region, which was the infected area closest to Barcelona. One speaker, the homeopath Dr Benavent, proposed that land be left fallow in order to allow rainwater and overflows to circulate freely. Dr Roquer from the Academy of Medical Sciences suggested using sand dunes to fill the ponds and cover lowlands.

In , the left channel of the Ebro River was opened, which led to a significant rise in the number of malaria cases in the region between and Contagious diseases Infectious and contagious diseases were a scourge that was difficult to control until the arrival of antibiotics. People were ignorant and defenceless or subjected to arbitrary restrictions that never managed to bring the problem under control. As a strategic zone of transit for both people and goods with its active maritime ports, Barcelona was more exposed to contagion than other inland or more isolated areas.

This explains the repeated, varied epidemics that periodically besieged Catalonia. Between and , there was no general action plan in the field of public health except for occasional actions on the initiative of the local health authorities and towns when epidemics sprang up. Hence the importance of the new preventative vaccinations created by Jaume Ferran during this period. Compared to the earlier merely defensive approach, this new change in approach to anticipate or prevent infectious and contagious diseases was not warmly welcomed by all political and professional sectors in Spain, some of which were aligned with the more conservative ideology.

They disagreed with using virtually experimental measures and tried to block any advances in this sphere. The threat of the cholera epidemic in is what aroused and sparked a mobilisation to find solutions. On the 22nd of July , when the cholera epidemic in Marseilles was at its peak, Dr Bartomeu Robert suggested that a committee be appointed to study cholera in southern France in view of the passivity of the Spanish health authorities.

The Governing Commission accepted this proposal, although it noted that the Madrid government should, in fact, send the committee. On the 5th of August , the Governing Commission decided to announce a. They stipulated a series of conditions that had to be met and earmarked sufficient sums of money to pay for the travel and accommodations of the committee members. The doctors had to draw up a report after the mission, while the naturalist had to write a separate one. The announcement was published in newsletters of Barcelona and the Provincial Council. Fourteen people submitted their candidacy for three places, one of them Jaume Ferran i Clua.

They reached Marseilles and set up the laboratory in Pharo hospital, and there they worked with the microbiologists Nicati and Rietsch, with whom they learned to discover the cholera microbe in the excrement of people suffering from malaria. After a day stint in Marseilles, the Barcelona committee deemed its job concluded and went on to Toulon. He also provided a morphological description of the microbe with three hand-drawn plates, and he announced that by hypodermically inoculating rabbits with the cholera microbe, they developed resistance against the disease.

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This is the first description of an effective prophylactic method against cholera, the outcome of a study conducted in a private laboratory with no public financing. This sloth is so great that not even in the latest decree reforming the studies in that Faculty has the Ministry re-. The Town Hall of this city, which is so distinguished by the creations which are said to be of its exclusive initiative, could not find a better time than the present to equip this capital with an institution for the study of microbiology, since the institute to cure rabies should have a very well-equipped laboratory, for which this Town Hall makes praiseworthy sacrifices, and in it the enlightened doctors and students whose absence we complained of above could be welcomed.

Ferran altruistically offered to remedy this problem. On the 2nd of November of that same year, the Governing Commission of the city decided to launch a more ambitious microbiology institution. On the 16th of November, Ferran was appointed director of the future Municipal Microbiology Laboratory, which was to both teach and conduct research in bacteriology, while it was also supposed to develop and administer vaccinations. The modernity of the institution and its mission were quite clear.

In January , before the facilities were fully built, the laboratory started operating on lands within the former military citadel of Barcelona. The first vaccination against rabies in Spain was administered in this provisional laboratory on the 17th of May Between and , the first typhoid vaccinations in the world were administered, while research was still underway on carbuncles and diphtheria. Work also got underway on tuberculosis. He launched urban epidemiological studies which were extraordinarily important in finding the focal points of contagion and infection.

He started the first disinfection centre in the state and implemented the first household disinfections. In late , Ferran managed to prepare an equinebased serum to counter diphtheria, inspired by the Behring-Roux method, which triggered fewer complications and offered greater protection. Later, the laboratory made several contributions to studying tuberculosis and cultivating anaerobes and tetanus. Faced with the outbreak of bubonic plague in Porto in , the Barcelona Town Hall commissioned Dr Ferran to study the problem there.

In , the Municipal Laboratory, also known as the Laboratory in the Park because of its location, changed management and was reorganised. The latter had come from the Instituto de Reconocimiento de las Substancias Alimenticias Institute to Check Food Substances , which had been created by the Barcelona Town Hall in to ensure the quality of food and prevent food adulteration. The dark spot in health matters in Barcelona in the early 20th century was the control of the drinking water.

In , bacteriological controls of meat, milk and water were started. These controls showed that there was an increase in contamination in the water coming from Montcada en route to Barcelona. Finally, a typhoid epidemic was declared in , with a steep rise in the number of deaths caused by this disease. Poster advertising social assistance for tuberculosis victims of Barcelona. By Ramon Casas Medical training Even though the Universitat de Cervera permanently moved to Barcelona in , university studies were still predominantly theoretical and somewhat impervious to the new developments happening abroad.

It was not until new professors were hired in the s that medical education began to welcome the influence of the new positivistic currents, such as clinical medicine, Darwinism, experimentation and laboratory medicine. This start of scientific change happened to dovetail with political change. The advent of the Spanish First Republic led to the decree of freedom of education and the possibility of choice in independent study.

This led to several initiatives outside of official education which incorporated the new scientific currents, practical teaching and experimentation. A free university and Faculty of Pharmacy28 were created in Girona , promoted by the Town Hall, with students enrolled. It was the initiative of one professor from the official Faculty of Medicine who was concerned about the immobility and structural and functional limitations of official degree programmes and yearned for modernisation in pedagogy and teaching.

With the support of the Barcelona Town Hall, this institute carried out practices in osteology, physiology, biological chemistry and other subfields. It introduced courses on subjects like the history of medicine, the history of pharmacy, phrenology and ophthalmology. The faculty was made up of prominent physicians in the nascent specialities along with some professors from the official university.

Even though it lasted only a brief time , the Medical Institute of Barcelona signalled the start of a series of non-official educational institutions which incorporated the new positivistic medical doctrines and practices from Europe and exerted a major influence on the development of medicine in Catalonia in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The shortage of hospital beds The lack of hospital beds in Catalonia had been obvious since the midth century, especially in Barcelona, which only had the Hospital General de Santa Creu.

The repeated epidemics throughout the century made the problem even more acute. The technical and scientific advancements of the period rendered the establishments in operation obsolete. The state, which was in charge of psychiatric care, had not a single establishment in Catalonia. In this context, both physicians and society raised their voices to demand solutions to the situation. During the period known as the Democratic Sexennium , 22 proposals to build healthcare facilities were submitted, most of them public.

The first initiative emerged from civil society: a group of bourgeois ladies from Barcelona, with the support of the bishopric, founded a private hospital to serve as a centre of specialities in The medical direction was entrusted to a prestigious surgeon, Dr Salvador Cardenal, who soon attained well-deserved fame for his application of antiseptic surgery. During the same period, pressed by repeated epidemics and the lack of healthcare facilities, the Barcelona Town Hall built a provisional quarantine area near the sea: in it purchased the land on which it was later built in , under the threat of an outbreak of the plague.

Finally, it was opened and started providing teaching and healthcare in This new infrastructure brought major improvements as well as the adoption of new concepts of medical education and modern patient care. The hospital administration, which was in the hands of the Town Hall and the bishopric of Barcelona, also acknowledged that its location and facilities did not meet the conditions for its mission, so a location was sought where a new hospital adapted to modern medicine could be built. This was also a long, complicated process, and Dr Bartomeu Robert34 served as a driving force in this project.

The architect designed the construction of 24 freestanding pavilions which were connected by underground walkways; each was devoted to the nascent medical specialities, some for women and others for men. In terms of economics, it benefited from the legacy of the Catalan banker Pau Gil, despite the fact that the testator wanted a secular. The first stone was laid in , and the facility, named the Hospital de la Santa Creu i de Sant Pau, was opened in Only half of the pavilions designed were ultimately built because the bishopric and Town Hall failed to contribute funds.

These facilities were at the vanguard of the most advanced hospital architecture of the period. In the second half of the century, several mental hospitals were founded near Barcelona, all of them totally independent and unrelated to the Hospital de la Santa Creu. Public health during Noucentisme The Mancomunitat de Catalunya 37 and the Generalitat de Catalunya 38 were the first two attempts to establish a local administration which fit the characteristics and needs of Catalan society. With few economic resources and little legal authority, they undertook an innovative public health initiative, shifting from charity to healthcare, and improving and creating teaching, research and healthcare institutions.

The diet of the proletariat In the early 20th century, food accounted for two-thirds of total spending in the household budgets of the working classes. Noucentista physicians wrote on the topic with a great deal of ethical honesty and undeniable scientific veracity. The Barcelona Town Hall distributed thousands of copies of it among the working class and their associa-. Working-class organisations promoted initiatives such as the creation of consumer cooperatives which sold products at cost price.

Some Town Halls created food kitchens for the poor along with cafeterias in some public schools in the more depressed neighbourhoods. Improvements in urban planning and working-class housing The problem of housing occupied a prime place in the First Hygiene Congress of Catalonia held in The lecture by E.

Monturiol classified housing into six groups: the first was old homes in walled cities; the second was new homes in peripheral neighbourhoods; the third was new homes in recently industrialised towns; the fourth was homes far from workplaces; the fifth was private houses near factories, which were expensive; and the last one was factory colonies, built by the factory owners, which were extremely deficient and had communal toilets.

He advocated single-family homes with gardens and the establishment of housing cooperatives. Despite this, in Dr Pons Freixas noted that 30, people in Barcelona lived in shanties. Creation of healthcare infrastructures In the 20th century, the problem of hospitalisation continued to spark the attention of professionals at conferences47 and in magazines,48 where they asked the public administrations to do something about the shortcomings of the healthcare infrastructures.

He applied the philosophy of common sense and pragmatism and sought bottom-up integration based on what already existed on the ground: physicians, chemists, asylums, hospitals, etc. He sought the cooperation of all of those isolated and underused elements to create a modern, effective healthcare network. It was a functional, cooperative model which sought synergies among the existing healthcare elements on the ground without duplications, while also respecting the freedom and autonomy of the individuals and institutions involved. This gave rise to the creation of the first regional hospitals.

Meantime, the Mancomunitat provided funding to around charitable health institutions, organisations and services. The goal was to project an image of scientific modernity and social inter-classism. Both institutions welcomed patients from all social classes who needed first-class medical care — psychiatric or obstetric, respectively — at modern facilities where these medical specialities were also researched and taught.


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  8. The Patronat de Malalts Mentals Curats Board of Cured Mental Illness Patients sought to provide post-hospitalisation support in order to encourage the social and workplace reintegration of former mental illness patients. The new Maternitat Maternity Ward of Barcelona, with its different pavilions built between and , sought to increase the birth rate in the country and lower child mortality by offering high-quality medical and technical services, and by encouraging working-class women and workers to use these services with all the guarantees of hygiene and comfort for their health and their social image.

    At the same time, subsidies were given to mutual societies and private centres that provided social and health services not covered by the public administrations, such as the Institut Pere Mata de Reus and dispensaries for breastfeeding babies. Barcelona, Mas Archive. The former Hospital de la Santa Creu 15th century was moved there.

    The hospital situation in Lleida was quite precarious, with just the Hospital Municipal de Santa Maria, which dated from the Middle Ages. The situation in Tarragona was similar, so in the Mancomunitat started construction on a new provincial hospital under the same conditions. At the Hospital de Santa Caterina in Girona, major reforms of the building were undertaken, with the creation of a surgery ward and the modernisation of the medical and surgical supplies and equipment.

    The Casa de Maternitat was also modernised, and the nursery school facilities were improved. The mental hospital of Salt, which was nothing more than country home, was reformed and expanded and turned into a modern mental health sanatorium with all the equipment needed for the scientific, rational treatment of psychiatric problems, along with an agricultural colony where occupational therapy could be practised in a natural setting. During the Civil War, numerous buildings were confiscated from the religious orders to be used as provisional hospitals. Malaria After the Mancomunitat de Catalunya was established in , the first health project it undertook was malaria.

    At the same time, mechanical protection efforts for houses, and companies selling mosquito netting for doors and windows also progressed, along with hydraulic projects to clean irrigation channels, drain marshy lands and fill reservoirs. These anti-malaria projects also extended to Lleida and Girona. Prat de Llobregat with the same purposes as those described above.

    The Mancomunitat started to study and systematically treat malaria, since this effort required the participation of professionals in different disciplines physicians, entomologists, engineers, etc. The campaign against tuberculosis was approached in a global way with five-year plans encompassing both the strictly medical factors and those related to the social milieu economic, family, etc. It stressed prophylactic measures in order to break the epidemiological chain and lower the overall morbidity and mortality rates. Waterborne diseases were a public health problem all over Catalonia, with repeated cholera and typhoid fever epidemics.

    The Mancomunitat assembled a team of engineers and physicians to deal with it, since the origin was drinking water contaminated by waste water. Not only did many towns, both large and small, have no sewer network, they often did not even have a network to collect and distribute potable water in a safe way. After the pertinent analyses and epidemiological studies, a line of economic assistance for towns was started so they could build or update drinking and wastewater channels.

    Vaccinations for susceptible people were also started with a locally created typhoid vaccination. The dire flu epidemic in was handled using prophylactic hygiene measures. The campaign against infant mortality was tackled on three fronts: a social, with awareness-raising in society and the support of child protection institutions; b educational, by encouraging adult literacy and schooling for children; and c medical, through the creation of dispensaries and Gotes de Llet, associations set up to provide milk to impoverished families that could not afford it.

    Endemic goitre and cretinism were frequent in the mountainous areas of Catalonia and therefore also received the attention of the Mancomunitat. It continued its medical and social guidance with support for families of the ill, the participation of visiting nurses, and the BCG vaccination for contacts, schools and barracks. The Generalitat created dispensaries all over Catalonia which provided diagnosis, prevention, treatment and education. A specialised hospital, called La Magdalena, was also founded in Barcelona.

    Since Barcelona was a port city which received passengers from other continents and was therefore exposed to exotic diseases, the Municipal Laboratory took on the responsibility for the biological diagnosis of these diseases. Mental health Mental health was a responsibility of the state that was totally neglected, since it ran no public mental hospital in Catalonia where the mentally ill could be treated.

    As soon as it was created, the Mancomunitat took charge of this problem. It commissioned three psychiatrists to conduct a study on how to organise this public service and on the material needs kinds of buildings and facilities, etc. The report submitted suggested that a service be organised on three levels of complexity: local dispensaries for out-patient diagnosis and treatment, provincial clinics to house patients with acute problems, and psychiatric hospitals for people with classified chronic problems.

    It also suggested that agricultural colonies and other specialised establishments be created. The second step, in addition supervising the psychiatric patients admitted by the provincial councils to private establishments, was to start construction on a psychiatric hospital on the outskirts of Barcelona and to reorganise the mental hospital in Salt, which was overseen by the Girona Provincial Council. With the arrival of the Second Republic in Spain and the creation of the Generalitat de Catalunya, construc-.

    Family or free treatment of the mentally ill got underway, as did preventative and mental hygiene activities. The Spanish Civil War created a higher demand for psychiatric services, which was handled by creating urban dispensaries and hospitalisation in confiscated convents. In the summer of , a Mental Hygiene and Psychiatric Care Conference was sponsored by the Regional Ministry of Health, which laid out the action strategies in this field.

    The facilities were obsolete, the curricula antiquated and the majority of professors unmotivated to teach. They asked the academic authorities to modernise education and to make the universities more Catalan, involved in local culture and needs. The lack of response from the universities gave rise to the birth of the Estudis Universitaris Catalans Catalan University Studies , and in the field of medicine to the emergence of the Escola Lliure de Medicina Catalana Catalan Independent School of Medicine.

    This initiative consisted of a series of monographic theoretical and practical courses which furthered the knowledge taught in the classes at the Faculty of Medicine, or even offered subjects that were not part of its official curriculum. These courses were taught by freelance professors who specialised in the subjects; they were held at the facilities of the Academy of Medicine and its Medical Sciences Laboratory, which had a complete library, a journals collection which included publications from overseas, and laboratories equipped with the appropriate instrumentation.

    These courses, which were extremely popular, admitted both graduated physicians and students still pursuing their education. Only with the arrival of the Spanish Second Republic and the autonomy of the Universitat de Barcelona was it possible to transform and modernise medical education and open it up to modern Catalan and European society. All the most prominent clinical centres and professionals.

    The reasons cited were: a to train nursing staff technical or professional reason ; b to contribute to the social and workplace development of women socioeconomic reason ; and c to lower the mobility and mortality rates of the population health or demographic reason. After two training courses, they could attend a third course specialising in treating children or the mentally ill or laboratory work. Civil society, too, participated.

    It primarily used information and persuasion to achieve these results. Alsina i Melis. A series of popular lectures was offered all over Catalonia which discussed issues like physical education, moral. Biblioteca de Catalunya. Prominent physicians spoke, and they used projections to help their audiences understand the information. Between and , 21 lectures were held on hygiene in 11 towns with 10, people attending. A third educational resource used was posters, with messages referring to tuberculosis, malaria, flu, flies, etc.

    They were designed by renowned artists and are veritable works of contemporary art. The Spanish Civil War offered the opportunity to make headway in the surgical treatment of the wounded and broken bones caused by firearms. Dr Josep Trueta at the Hospital General de Catalunya tested the treatment of open wounds with the surgical cleansing of burned, dying tissue and the application of casts to immobilise bones in open fractures on the extremities.

    Wound suppuration was absorbed by the plaster, which smelt very bad. This confused the sur-. In addition to accidents during transfusions, this prevented blood from reaching the war front, where it was needed the most. After being properly bottled and refrigerated on ice, this blood was sent to the blood hospitals at the battle front and enormously benefitted the wounded soldiers. He also organised voluntary blood donation drives in the rearguard. These vital, transcendent medical innovations were known to British spies, who recruited these Catalan healthcare professionals to teach their techniques to British physicians after the war in Spain concluded, with World War II on the horizon.

    The end of the Spanish Civil War led to the exile of the most prominent figures in Catalan medicine from the first third of the 20th century, most of whom went to Latin America, where they taught, created research institutions or excelled in the practice of a variety of medical specialities.

    Anales de Medicina, monograph no. And the central event at the CCCB, which has not depended on speakers known by the general public, has seen a massive affluence of people at all the editions, proof of the fact that the city was hungry for Orwell. In this way, and despite the voluntary or negligent forgetfulness on the part of the institutions, Catalonia and Barcelona have finally repaid the homage to Orwell.

    Not only is he still relevant and greatly needed, but also, this is perhaps the only dimension in which he exists. Posted in Debates el June 20th, Tags: Dia Orwell , George Orwell. The best-known photobooks are those that we make ourselves with photos of our holidays and that we show to friends and family on our return. The photobooks exhibited at the CCCB and at the Foto Colectania Foundation are creative projects, stories in images, graphic accounts of the visual culture of our times.

    They are artistic objects where the creativity and choral work of many professionals designers, printers, illustrators, photographers, etc. They can also have different formats: from a traditional book to a cigarette pack or a Chinese sewing box. However, not all these photobooks contain photographs taken by the author; some contain archive images, photographs purchased at flea markets, drawings, etc. At the height of the digital era, more photobooks are being published than ever before, and increasing numbers of professional find in this formula a pathway for expressing themselves and telling stories.

    Many circuits and festivals exist dedicated to this format where artists and collectors make themselves known.

    UBC Theses and Dissertations

    Exhibitions have already been held internationally on this subject, but always from the viewpoint of the photography. We should not understand the photobook as exclusively an art of photography; it is an art that embraces many more disciplines. A key feature of the exhibition has been having seven curators who have presented very different themes. EP: There are many women authors in the contemporary photobooks section. However, the same does not occur with the other sections.

    Is the world of the photobook a world of male creators and collectors? IM: It is true that proportionally we find more men, even though history is full of women photographers. This is also reflected in the art world and in curatorship.

    Catalan modernism and E. d’Ors ideology of noucentisme - UBC Library Open Collections

    However, now we are experiencing a total change, above all in the area of creation, where very powerful female photographers are starting to make their names known. She consolidated her career starting with the self-publishing of a book. EP: Does the same happen with photojournalism? Right now the exhibition World Press Photo is being presented in Barcelona and every year we observe more male prize-winners than female ones.

    IM: It has always been more difficult for women in every sphere. Although proportionally there have always been more male photographers it is also true that it has been easier for them to make themselves known. EP: The exhibition features photobooks in different formats, from the more traditional book to Xian, by Thomas Sauvin , in which each reader takes a different journey and, consequently, has a different reading. What differentiates photobooks?

    IM: At the height of the digital era, photographers have found in the photobook the ideal medium for showing a project in a coherent way. On the Internet the tendency exists for photographs to be circulated and separated from their context.


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    The photobook, however, is something physical that enables coherence to be given to a project and allows artists to experiment with the format, the paper, deciding on the cover, etc. The dream of authors who create photography books is for people to consider them like a novel: with a cover, a title, an introduction, a core and a denouement.

    There are also authors who break with this line, but it should still be understood as a reading. Often we start leafing through a book of images from the end, but nobody starts reading a novel from the end. IM: Yes, it is a choral work. Often we relate it with the world of cinema. In a film, the director obviously plays an important part but the film is the result of the work of an entire team. In the creation of a photobook, the designer or the editor, for example, also play an extremely important role.

    Moreover, younger people have received a better education, they travel, speak English and use social media networks and all this is reflected in their work. EP: What prominent names do we find among this new generation of Spanish photographers? All of them are internationally recognised for their photobooks.

    IM: Through the book. Twenty years ago they thought more about doing an exhibition and making a catalogue as a record of the exhibition. But an exhibition is more limited. These photographers aim to reach a lot of people and they focus on this. Also, today, all the photography fairs and festivals devote a significant section to the photobook. But we must not forget the fundamental role played by the publishers. In this case, Editorial RM, with whom we have co-published the exhibition catalogue, are spokespersons and supporters of projects.

    They personally take the books that they publish to the major opinion leaders in the world of photography. EP: Apart from the viewpoint of these opinion leaders, is there space for participation in the world of photobooks? It is a vehicle that uses photographs, or images — because these days talking about photography means talking about images — to deal with very diverse issues. At the exhibition, many photobooks can be seen whose images were not made by the author, following the line of post-photography, so widely written about by Joan Fontcuberta.

    Photos from public or private archives are also published. The idea is to narrate using images and this connects very well with the era in which we live. Between getting up and eating lunch we receive more visual impacts than a 14th century person received in their entire lifetime. There is a tsunami of images. I think that all those people who tell stories through images have a fundamental role to play.

    In the field of education there is still much to be done, because visual language is not being taught. However, many young people communicate with each other using this language: they no longer write about what they are doing, they send a photo. That is what is happening today, we communicate through images. Why did you choose these authors? IM: We have tried to select a series of authors who not only have created interesting photobooks, but for whom the photobook is almost their identity. EP: As a finishing touch to the exhibition, there is the Espai Beta with photobooks published over the last two years.

    Can you tell us about some of them? We were very sure that we wanted to create a reading space at the Espai Beta that would reflect the effervescence in contemporary photobook creation. You can find such marvels as Silent Histories by Kazuma Obara. The book explores the consequences of the Second World War in Japan, a subject that has received little coverage. It tells the story of a group of people through their own accounts, with archive images, current photographs and other elements such as a passport or the drawings of a lady who was only able to tell her story through them.

    Posted in Exhibitions el June 9th, Tags: fotografia , Fotollibre. In the last section of the exhibition, Contemporary Practices, we have a chance to discover seven publications by artists who have promoted their career through the photobook. A Future Book , On the wall different possible designs of the pages that form the book can be seen, along with the process of creation of German photographers Katja Stuke and Oliver Sieber.

    The next installation presents Shvilishvili by Jana Romanova. The Russian photographer unfolds, literally, on the table, her family album. On the one side we can see the photographs that her grandmother sent to the family in Georgia when she had to emigrate to Russia.

    On the other, a chain of portraits of her Georgian relatives, whom she met recently. Between the years and , the author manually produced 67 copies and this process became a reflection on the catastrophe of the murder of her grandparents at the hands of a cousin. The chapter also includes Umbra , where Viviane Sassen focuses on a recurring theme in her photographs, shade. A darkness that is seductive and deceptive at the same time. An entire visual experience somewhere between realism and abstraction. Thus, by copying photocopies, he has constructed a narrative where he has also involved the public.

    Manuel Blasco Romasanta was tried in for various murders in Galicia. He said that he was a werewolf. It is a case shrouded in mystery that remains alive in the collective imagination. Reconstructing that story, of which no photographs are available, was a real challenge, points out Laia Abril, author of Lobismuller. The investigators now believe that Romasanta was a hermaphrodite and the photobook narrates the case from this new perspective.

    At the exhibition the entire investigation process followed by the photographer can be viewed. It is an attractive book on the outside, with a deep red velvet cover and golden letters, and with paper and ink of little quality inside. A metaphor of a container with a critical content. Artist Thomas Sauvin transfers us to Chinese second-hand markets with Xian. His work is elaborated with 59 boxes made of folded paper, that housewives would use to store needles and threads, and which he has stuffed with the photographs that he collected during the twelve years that he lived in China.

    For photographer and collector of photobooks Martin Parr, the photobook is the perfect display case for many photographers. Self-publishing means having self-financing and it can be a risky practice. Alejandro Cartagena affirms that the edition of the book opened up the road to him becoming known and achieving new projects and commissions. Posted in Exhibitions el June 7th, Writer Pedro Olalla has profound knowledge of Greece.

    In recent years, he has been a reporter on the life of Greek citizens, who are impacted by the economic crisis and the drastic financial decisions of the European Union. For that reason, and for his background as a Hellenist, which makes him well acquainted with the culture and politics of ancient Greece, Olalla is one of the most informed interlocutors to discuss the meaning of Europe and of democracy.

    In this talk, they comment on the future of an aged continent, on the credibility of European bureaucrats, and on the ability and the responsibility to make decisions that we all have in a democracy. Anna Punsoda: You believe that direct citizen participation is key to improve the quality of a democracy. In a parliamentary democracy like ours, do I not have the right to delegate my voice on the representatives and forget about public affairs? Pedro Olalla: [Laughs] Not only do you have the right, but it is virtually the only thing you can do.

    However, if we give up our involvement in public affairs, we are giving up democracy altogether. You are right that our democracies are representative, but to a dubious extent. Who are our alleged representatives really representing? Democracy, deontologically understood, is based on a high degree of identification between the governors and the governed. And this premise is not met: the distancing between them and us keeps increasing.

    Anna Punsoda: Identification? Pedro Olalla: In his Republic, Plato was describing an ideal model, not portraying what Athenian democracy was like. Democracy, as a system, is based on engagement, because it aims to bring political power as close as possible to the citizens. If the citizen does not want to exercise that power, if the citizenry as a whole gives up its sovereignty, there will always be someone willing to take over, and possibly they will not be pursuing the general interest.

    Given that we will not be able to have the full administration of common affairs, if we want to improve our democratic health, we must demand a greater degree of control over what our representatives do. We must demand that our democracies establish mechanisms so that citizens can, through the citizens themselves and not through professional politicians with party affiliations , fulfil their role of controlling their representatives, following them and removing them from office if they are not working for the general interest.

    For the most part, parties defend sectorial interests, which, to a large extent, condition their existence. In its origins, democracy did not have parties, but our current democracies did not genetically evolve from the original model, the Athenian which is the one we know the best, thanks to the historical records of Aristotle, Demosthenes, Isocrates and so on. Our democracies stemmed from Roman republicanism, which already in its early days was a representative system, a res publica, a management system to regulate common affairs based on the cursus honorum course of offices , in which patricians had a considerable privilege.

    The responsibilities that in Athenian democracy belonged to the Assembly, in Rome fell under the Senate, the consuls and the magistrates —the system was more similar to the current one. The liberal tradition, which starts with Locke and influences the republic models created after the French and the American revolutions, was a good foundation. That modern republicanism has a promising start, because liberalism back then was a struggle against absolutism, a struggle that sought to give sovereignty back to the people, to respect individual freedoms in the face of the abuses of absolutist power —inherited by bloodline— that monarchic empires represented.

    From its initial humanist and political spirit, liberalism took a turn towards a sense of economic protectionism, defending the interests of one social class. Political parties were born in that context, during that republicanism, because they are the adequate expression to defend class interests.

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