There is little ambiguity here, as the values are much above the 1 ratio that may have caused uncertainty. These values do not suggest that the structures represented elite households or that they served both domestic and ritual functions. The ratios support non-domestic ritual activities. The variability between contexts is interesting to note here - while floors and middens are quite similar an average of 2. A number of other archaeological and ethnoarchaeological investigations have found that such variability is to be expected due to site formation processes as well as post-use activities Deal Smith defined midden types for the site of Mayapan as either house, service from kitchens , or ceremonial types.
Smith found a negative association between ceremonial middens and cooking jars, and found that ritual middens had a high quantity of'ritual' artifacts Smith , Table Mayapan's ritual middens had a ceremonial to domestic ceramic ratio of 2. The Chiripa midden ratio, averaged for the Monticulo structure, is 2. The similarity of floor and midden deposits suggests that these samples do represent activities within the structures. The fill ratio, however, is perplexing; while still well within a ritual level, the consistency of values for fill contexts may be explained by their original context; in other words, the fill may not have originated within or near the Monticulo or Quispe.
These fills may be coming from either nearby middens, or from slightly mixed domestic and ritual contexts see Whitehead b for a similar interpretation. In order to address this possibility, I chose to compare the data of different fill episodes from elsewhere on the site, to see if such percentages are a standard.
As discussed above, breakage rates for cooking wares would be expected to accumulate much faster than serving wares, and thus should be found in greater number in domestic contexts even if the original deposit is moved and used as fill. Table 9 shows sooted sherd percentages from random fill events vis-a-vis the Quispe and Monticulo finds, whereas Table 10 shows decorated and slipped sherds from other random fill episodes. I would have preferred to compare ratios, but unfortunately the complete sherd details were not available.
I therefore compared sooted and decorated sherds from fill episodes of randomly chosen structures both contemporaneous and earlier. This is exactly the same value as found for the Quispe and Monticulo fill episodes. The decorated sherd percentages, however, nullifies the contention that both these fill episodes represent a type of domestic activity. The Monticulo fill episodes skew the averages significantly. It is therefore possible that the fill episode in Quispe represents a re-deposit of a domestic midden, as supported by other forms of evidence see below , whereas the Monticulo fill is more closely related to the ritual activities occurring near the structure.
Structure Function - Non-ceramic forms of data The ceramic data indicate that the Monticulo and the Quispe structures do not represent domestic space. Although the morphology of ceramics are not overly convincing, the serving to non-serving ratio from sherds offers convincing evidence for the interpretation of the Monticulo and Quipse structures as the locale for ritual activity. The ceramic ratios match expectations derived from the Andean and cross-cultural ceramic model for ritual architecture, as seen in Table 3. Other types of analysis also support the interpretation that these structures were primarily ritual or public architecture.
The TAP project has analyzed paleoethnobotanical evidence, faunal remains see the feasting discussion for this evidence , and has conducted micromorphological analysis. The paleoethnobotanical samples from Monticulo House 5 show little evidence of domestic activity. The low taxa diversity across the Monticulo contexts is more characteristic of storage activity than domestic activity Whitehead b.
Although there have not yet been any detailed studies of the plant remains in the Quispe structure, the analysis from the Llusco structure suggests little domestic activity occurred within the enclosures. The floors were clean of plants, although the fill episodes had a higher density of material. Whitehead suggests the fill may have originated from a domestic midden area, and may not be directly related to activity within Llusco Whitehead b: 99 , which supports my findings for Quispe. Finally, micromorphological studies conducted by Melissa Goodman offer further evidence that the Monticulo was used for ritual activity.
Goodman found a complete lack of 38 microartifacts within the floor surfaces, indicating that "these areas were scrupulously maintained, selectively used, or not used at all" Goodman The cleanliness of floor surfaces supports the interpretation that the Monticulo was used for ritual activity, as such maintenance of ritual structures is found cross-culturally and elsewhere in the Andes see Appendix 1. In summary, the ceramic evidence, the paleoethnobotanical evidence, and the micromorphological examination support the conclusion that the structures were not domestic spaces, but were ritual spaces.
What kinds of activity can we then infer from our evidence? Is there ceramic variability between the enclosure Quispe and platform Monticulo architecture types? Is there evidence for feasting so often discussed by archaeologists Hayden and Dietler ? Hypothesis 2: Mound vs. Enclosure Analysis and Results If the ceramic ratios and forms are substantially different between the Quispe enclosure and the Monticulo, they suggest different types of activity occurring in the respective spaces.
The second hypothesis suggests that different ceramic ratios indicate differences in activity. These two structures may not have been used at exactly the same time, or at a similar consistency. It may be that one structure was used for ritual gatherings only once or twice a year, while the other structure was used daily.
The Monticulo has a long history of use, seemingly following a similar spatial pattern over time; a group of structures surrounding a sunken plaza. From a strictly stratigraphic perspective, it would appear that Quispe was used for a much shorter period of time, and perhaps not as extensively. The ceramics found in the Monticulo and Quispe suggest that they were contemporary, and therefore any differences should be functional.
The ceramic data Tables I examined indicates few functional differences between the Monticulo and Quispe. The ratios of serving to non-serving vessels are quite similar - in fact the values are almost identical. The only variation that can be found is in the fill deposits, as discussed above, which only suggests different origins for fill deposit materials, and not for functional difference.
I can not effectively address Karen Mohr Chavez' proposal of the Monticulo serving a temple storage role K. On the one hand, there is little to suggest large amounts of storage occurring, as the number of serving vessels far outweighs the non-serving and thus storage vessels. The micromorphological data also do not support this claim. This study, however, did not look at bin contexts, presumably the locale where all the storage would have taken place. Unfortunately it is impossible to elaborate further on activity differences here.
In order to address questions of feasting, the size of serving vessels is of utmost importance. The findings discussed for the analysis of structure function suggest large numbers of individual serving vessels, forms essential for feasting contexts, but what about large feasting vessels? The analysis of vessel size depends on the same data used to discuss vessel form Table 6 and Figure 8 , and thus quantities of identifiable forms were low.
A comparison between the two structures suggests that there was no distinctive difference in vessel sizes found in the respective spaces. Furthermore, when the results were combined they were not convincing for large-scale feasting. There were few vessels over 25 cm in diameter; indeed many of these 'large vessels' were between 18 and 25 cms in diameter with the largest bowl measured 40 at 32 cm in diameter. These are not very large vessels, especially when considering feasting vessels elsewhere. Lathrap found fermentation vessels for the Shipibo of 40 cm in diameter Lathrap Tiwanaku and Huari storage vessels are found up to 1-meter in diameter Couture and Sampeck And although bowl forms may be related to large group serving activity, the Chiripa bowls are quite modest when compared to many other examples Henrickson and McDonald The large vessels presented above simply represent the larger end of individual serving sizes.
This data gap may be explained, in part, by results discussed by other investigators, who have found cooking material elsewhere. Karen Chavez and Lee Steadman have both noted that sooted cooking wares were found behind the Monticulo platform, suggesting that cooking was occurring in an outside patio-like area. A discussion of commensal politics at Chiripa, however, cannot be supported with the ceramic data analyzed here. Feasting Activity - Non-ceramic forms of data Although the ceramics are not convincing for feasting activity, other forms of evidence ought to be discussed, specifically the presence of'feasting middens', and the presence of faunal remains Hayden The faunal analysis offers little significant evidence for the occurrence of feasting.
The discard remains of large mammals have yet to be found, although fish remains were found in large quantities Moore et al. Recent research has been presented from other Middle Formative sites that links some of the earliest maize BP to these ritual contexts Thompson Could it be that this maize was used in feasting contexts, perhaps in the drinking of the symbolic chichal A quantitative synthesis to these maize remains has not yet been published, yet the current recovered samples seem too small to support high levels of ritual chicha at Chiripa. It would appear that some sort of activity similar to feasting, yet significantly smaller in scale, was occurring in the Monticulo.
While there is evidence of a priority placed on serving food, the scale of such activity, and indeed the length and consistency of use of the Monticulo and Quispe structures is still in question.
Convincing evidence for sizable 'corporate' feasting, similar in scale or even basic archaeological signature to that of the Huari and Tiwanaku examples, has yet to be found. However, the serving of food was clearly an essential activity, and such activity may have served various socio-political purposes. There were no non-local sherds in the ceramic analysis of the Quispe and Monticulo structures.
Several fill contexts revealed Tiwanaku sherds see Table 5 and showed some mixing - perhaps due to bioturbation - but no other Middle Formative ceramics were present. There were only two sherds of a clearly foreign nature in the initial broad sample of the four structures and these were from the Llusco enclosure.
The paste types were all local, and the decoration of the vessels was recognizable as Chiripa type - almost entirely cream-on-red and black and cream-on-red. This suggests that the site in fact was a very locally-based community during the Middle Formative, was not a pilgrimage center or the center of a complex chiefdom level polity Stanish This is supported by Bandy's survey in the Taraco Penninsula. He found that there were many local polities, all with this similar type of architecture. Although there is limited evidence for inter-regional trade, such as andesite hoes imported from the Northern Titicaca Basin Bandy and obsidian exchange Burger, Chavez and Chavez , there are few signs of foreign ceramic imports.
Some suggest that the presence of grass tempered sherds, often a marker of Formative Period ceramics, implies a direct regional connection to Chiripa K. Chavez ; Mathews Chavez , I would refute the idea that the spread of similarly tempered pottery is related. Paz Soria and others discuss the spread of Chiripa forms elsewhere, but these vessels are usually in very small quantities, and the connection to Chiripa is often dubious.
Robin Beck has recently directed excavations at the site of Alto Pukara, located 5 kilometers east of Chiripa on the Taraco Peninsula Figure 1. Beck's excavations revealed several superimposed surfaces associated with Middle Formative platform architecture at Alto Pukara. These excavations revealed very few ceramics in direct association with floor contexts, and very few have surface decoration similar to those of Chiripa Beck This is revealing, as we would expect a similarity in ceramics at a small-scale site in the Chiripa vicinity.
I can therefore refute the interpretation for regional cults for the Yaya-Mama Religious Tradition, as there is no significant evidence for migration or long-distance exchange.
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It may well be that Burger's suggestion for Religious Traditions are more tenable for the Titicaca Basin, with each autonomous settlement enjoying political and economic independence. It would appear that the notion of a complex chiefdom based at Chiripa is no longer viable. Indeed, any archaeologist conducting fieldwork in the area is well aware of the pervasiveness of ritual in all daily activity; the sacred and the profane closely intermingle.
As Dean and Kojan so aptly put it, "perhaps we should acknowledge the possibility of ceremonial households and domestic temples. This study has demonstrated that the Chiripa structures fit within expectations for a more ritually oriented space. But what does my analysis suggest were the roles of ritual and ritual architecture in the past?
And what do my results indicate of the longer diachronic processes in the Titicaca Basin? Although the ceramics alone cannot answer these questions, ethnohistoric analogy indicates certain possibilities. I now turn to these questions in order to address the concept of ritual at Chiripa and the Yaya-Mama Religious Tradition. Ritual was socially defined as one of the factors that - properly carried out - maintained and augmented the means of production, i. If, in this, there was also considerable room for the accumulation of goods and power, this is hardly surprising and also played a part in the maintenance and expansion of the society Spaulding The architecture of raised platform mounds and plazas are conventions of great temporal length in the South Central Andes.
Beginning with the Santiago structure at Chiripa BC Dean and Kojan , to the present day sunken plaza on the island of Amantani on Lake Titicaca Spahni ; Niles , these forms are consistently oriented towards ritual activities. Recent ethnohistoric and archaeological analyses suggest that ritual in the Andes consistently was performed in certain architectural forms, although for distinct social functions Moore a: , b. As Spaulding suggests above, ritual was a social mechanism that could be used in a variety of ways.
Different enclosures and platforms reflect "different modes of interaction" Moore b: , and they don't simply represent social integration or sources of elite power. Ethnohistoric studies suggest that enclosures, as huacas, were locales for ritual activity, and had specific functional roles that may be represented at Chiripa. Moore reminds us that the term huaca does not translate directly to sacred architectural space, but rather represents the religious ceremonies directed towards certain huacas often natural landmarks that were performed within these structures Moore a: Ethnohistoric research demonstrates that the Spanish, upon encountering such structures, were given explanations of their function and meaning.
Scholars have recently examined these accounts and have compiled analyses of architectural spaces that can be subsumed under the name huaca Moore The architecture called illiapas, or "the 43 places where embalmed ancestors were maintained and to the location where lighting struck" Moore a: , support interpretations that ancestors were located in and around the Chiripa structures Hastorf and Steadman Similarly, we can correlate another form of huaca, plazas and enclosures called usnus Moore a: , to the archaeological enclosures at Chiripa.
Spanish chroniclers recorded ceremonial feasting in these spaces at the time of conquest, and the wall niches, similar to those found at Chiripa see Figure 5, contained offerings associated with animal sacrifice Moore a: These similarities to the Chiripa structures are striking, but Moore warns against assuming broad Andean continuity; enclosures from different Andean cultural contexts most likely served different functions.
After a review of Inca and Chimu plazas, Moore comments specifically on the function of the Titicaca enclosures, including those at Chiripa, vis-a-vis ethnographic analogy: In the Titicaca plazas it is probable that ritual interactions occurred over relatively small distances in which one could hear a sentence spoken in a normal voice, see a facial expression, or inspect the placement of miniatures Although similar modes of ritual communication are described for modern Aymara household rituals, it is important to realize that such communication was apparently the basis of public ritual in the sites around Lake Titicaca.
Moore b: Using ethnohistoric analogy and spatial analysis, Moore interprets the Chiripa enclosures as important arenas for small-scaled community ritual activity. These interpretations fit with the results of the ceramic analysis and further help our interpretation of the Yaya-Mama Religious Tradition. Public ritual can play a vital role in emerging complexity Wheatley ; Adams and the Yaya-Mama Religious Tradition, in its long development, is no exception K.
The critical importance of ritual in the aggregation process has recently been pointed out by Reid and Montgomery 29 , in "facilitating decision making by people who did not know one another well during a time of rapid, wrenching change in their way of life. Similarly, Catherine Bell notes that "theoretical approaches to the notion of'tradition' particularly in relation to ritual activities, are structured around the familiar problem of continuity and change.
By focusing on continuity and change in the Titicaca Basin, we may better understand the place of Chiripa in its religious and therefore political tradition. It is therefore essential to examine the site of Chiripa, and specifically the platform and enclosure architecture types, within its temporal context. The site is a significant point along the Titicaca cultural continuum Table 1. The social structures that were related to the architectural space undoubtedly changed over time, as did the meaning and political motivation behind their construction.
The results of 44 these changes are clearly visible at Chiripa at the end of the Middle Formative Period. Cut stone was imported to face this new mound, and a sunken stone-faced enclosure was created in the middle. Bandy notes that this architectural development at Chiripa was associated with a decrease in population Bandy By the end of this period the 'ritual assemblage' of Chiripa disappeared Bandy and the populations of Chiripa and other local polities abandoned their centers for Kala Uyuni Figure 1.
At this site the Chiripa architectural conventions continued for a short time until further settlement migration occurred on the Taraco Peninsula with the rise of Tiwanaku Bandy The development of the Chiripa platform mounds and enclosures were some of the earliest in the South Central Andes, but the architectural style did not fade away, as the cream-on-red pottery did. Bandy has demonstrated that these forms of architecture are found in abundance later in the Formative sequence on the Taraco Peninsula Bandy Similarly, Lemuz has found many examples of Chiripa architecture throughout the nearby Santiago de Huata region see Figure l Lemuz Chavez and Chavez have continued to find sunken enclosures with Yaya-Mama components in the Copacabana Peninsula Chavez Later in the Titicaca sequence, on the north side of the Basin, a number of similar structures were constructed, with the Pukara group being the most monumental K.
Chavez ; see figure 6. The forms are also present at the urban center of Tiwanaku: the Putuni Platform Couture , the Kalassassaya and the semi-subterranean temple, and a recently mapped structure almost identical in form to the Chiripa structures Vranich ; see Figure These structures were probably imbued with deep meaning and significance that were used for different functions: both broad area ritual activities and local political agendas.
As Hastorf has pointed out, "time and again, new political systems borrow legitimacy from the old by resurrecting the old ritual forms, redirected to new purposes. This ambiguity early on in the sequence later developed into something much more pronounced.
The meaning and function changed, but the special nature of the place remained" Dean and Kojan Is it possible that, like elsewhere Kirch , domestic-like structures took on more significance through special household ritual activity such as the internment of ancestors Hastorf and Steadman ?
Perhaps the architectural sequence in the South Central Andes can be compared to the Southwest, as Burger once claimed Burger The development of protokivas, kivas and plazas in the Southwest make it an enticing option for analogy Walker and Lucero My results demonstrate that by approximately BC, specialized ritual platform mounds and enclosures were present on the 45 Taraco Penninsula, reflecting the initial stages of a Religious Tradition throughout the South Central Andes.
Figure Model of Tiwanaku structure located 2 meters west of the ceremonial Kalisasaya From Vranich Working within a conventional archaeological framework - that of domestic and ritual - 1 have approached issues of structure function for two architectural types. The approach taken here simplifies activity areas into either domestic or ritual categories. I have attempted to balance this explicit simplification by discussing ethnographic and cross-cultural evidence for its usage. While a functionally oriented approach may not deal with meaning and symbols effectively, it allows for integral, primary issues to be discussed.
I also considered Andean ethnohistoric evidence to present the long-term, regional nature of the architecture. I have shown, by way of ceramic analysis, that specialized ritual activity occurred in both the Monticulo platform mound and the Quispe enclosure. By testing expectations for ceramic assemblages, I found that the structures likely functioned as spaces for ritual activities.
The ceramic remains have also put to rest many of the common misconceptions of the Chiripa polity: 1 there is no sign of a far-reaching chiefdom as Bandy reiterates , 2 it was not a pilgrimage center and 3 there is little sign of intensive trade. While these concepts have been discussed 46! We may indeed have evidence of commensal politics as Bandy has suggested Bandy , , but only detailed analysis will aid in interpretations of ritual feasting as it relates to political activity. Feasting, while popular in the archaeological literature, does not seem to be an appropriate term for the ceramics studied in the area.
Perhaps a more accurate description would be "designated serving space" - this way avoiding all the associated notions of large-scale activity associated with feasting. Although there are only hints of domestic activity in the fill , future excavations will continue to search for these types of archaeological remains in the hope that details of those who used these ritual structures may be better understood.
We can fit the Chiripa structures, through ceramic comparison and ethnographic or ethnohistoric comparison, into a ritual framework, but the specific nature of the ritual activity and the ideology Yaya-Mama Religious Tradition remains somewhat obscure. As archaeologists, we will never truly know the range of meanings embedded in such architectural space, but we now may begin to question the local political significance of such ritual gatherings. The review of archaeological perspectives on religious traditions or political cults implied that such networks are regionally broad, long-lasting ideologies based on similar ritual activity, and do not indicate a singular political entity, such as a complex chiefdom.
This is certainly not a criticism of his usage, but rather a comment on the fact that others have used it almost in a strictly political sense. It is simply an alternative, independent step. This is in part due to their absence in this specific sample. V1 Specific provenience and frequency are not discussed here, as the nature of the contexts is found in the discussion of the sample, and frequency is discussed above in the hypothesis section. Vl" An interesting note on sooting; Mohr found some painted sherds with presence of sooting. In my study, I found no such cases.
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