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Condition see all Condition. Used 2. Please provide a valid price range. Item location see all Item location. Ireland Only. Erstens: die Zwangsverteilung von Asylsuchenden. Doch weder in Spanien noch in Italien oder Griechenland fehlt es heute an nationalen Grenzbeamten. Wenn man dann noch dazu nimmt, dass Dublin nie funktionierte, wirkt die EU verloren.
Das ist Theater, aber leider mit guten Schauspielern. Kein anderes nordafrikanisches Land ist zur Aufnahme bereit. Die meisten, die in den vergangenen Jahren in Italien ankamen, bekommen in der EU keinen internationalen Schutz. Das Problem solcher Zentren ist oft, dass die Menschen nicht bleiben, um auf die Entscheidung zu warten.
Man sollte ein Zeitlimit setzen. Wie sinnvoll ist das? Es ist sinnlos. Beides zusammen sollte erreichen, dass es in drei Jahren eines nicht mehr gibt: viele Menschen ohne Perspektive, die am Rande der Gesellschaft, ohne klaren Status leben. Doch so eine Politik kann die EU nicht umsetzen. Das war eine gute Lehre. Ohne unsere Werte zu verraten und uns Populisten auszuliefern. ZDF Heute — 11 August In recent weeks, we sent a number of letters to European policy makers with concrete suggestions how Spain, Germany and others might move ahead in addressing the current Mediterranean migration and rescue crisis.
There needs to be a strong joint commitment to sea rescues. It is unacceptable to let people drown who might be saved with more effort. While it is crucial to send more rescue boats, this is not in itself enough to reduce deaths. The deadliest six-month period in the Mediterranean was actually the period May-October , when Italy was fully engaged in its ambitious rescue mission Mare Nostrum : more than 3, people died on the way to Italy.
The deadliest full year was , the year when most rescues took place.
Spain, France, Germany and others should provide more rescue boats outside the Libyan territorial waters. The objective must be to ensure that nobody drowns; while arrivals are reduced without push-backs. There are three possible ways to achieve this:.
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This is both highly problematic legally and completely impractical. When some European leaders present such platforms as their proposal what they really appear to want is a thin cover for push-backs to Africa. The first option is by far the best. It combines control and empathy, sea rescues and returns. Can a strategy based on this first option be implemented? Yes, it can. It would require three concrete measures:. The opposite of the current Greek hotspots in crucial aspects:.
There should be full transparency. A time limit: nobody will be kept in a RIC longer then 2 months at most. The goal is to ensure that a first asylum procedure and an appeal are possible within 6 weeks for most cases. Set up an immediate coordination board of senior officials from reception and asylum services of European countries that want to make this possible: the Dutch, French, Germans, Benelux, Portugal, Nordics, but also inviting Swiss and Norwegians, both members of Schengen and Dublin.
Create a small secretariat to set out realistically the human resources needed for this perhaps based in Madrid. Appoint a credible coordinator with administrative experience to ensure that resources arrive in time. Learn from Greek islands experience: outsourcing this to EASO, under current procedures, is not going to work, as can be seen in Lesbos or Chios. If France would offer to host such a centre in Corsica for people rescued in the central Mediterranean , if Malta would as well, it would be even better.
Appoint a joint team one Spanish, French, German to go to West African countries first to offer simple and transparent statements. These statements should include:. Commitment from a coalition of willing EU member states to annual contingents of legal migration and scholarships to these EU countries in the next five years. Commitment from African partners to take back everyone who crosses the Mediterranean after a day X and does not apply for or does not receive asylum in the EU.
The goal is that the announcement itself sharply reduces arrivals. Start negotiations with some African countries now Senegal, Ivory Coast! It is vital that other countries in Africa see this as attractive and want similar arrangements. Provide safe, clean water for people, in big cities, 24 hours a day? What a crazy idea. How would this ever be possible? Run a hospital in any of our countries decently? Ensure that somebody maintains machines, pays bills, manages personnel, ensures enough medicine is available? Choose leaders of a country by elections: how could this possibly be done?
Just think of all the things that might go wrong when millions of people have to vote on the same day! How can anyone ensure they only vote once? How can we move so many ballots quickly? Ensure that all airports in Europe guarantee basic security on and off planes. How can this possibly be done? Ok, we understand Amsterdam and Frankfurt: but nobody serious will expect Greece or Bulgaria to ensure safety in their airports?
Of course we do. And it works. Every day. We can go on. The food safety of all dairy products sold in our markets every day?
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Education systems teaching millions of pupils who come to school all on the same day in September! Environmental policy, product standard policy, security of online systems and communication. ANY field of policy requires effort and investment and serious planning to get any results. In reality, the implicit defeatism in discussions about sea rescue, asylum and returns reveals an astonishing lack of seriousness. A German politician was quoted yesterday saying that any proposals to accommodate and process asylum applications of a few thousand people in spain or anywhere would inevitably lead to inhumane camps for masses of people.
The same party proposes policies which aim to change the effect of human societies around the globe on the climate. We understand the scepticism. It was not possible in 2. Some now wonder if it is ever possible anywhere. Of course it is. What Greece shows us is what happens when any serious interest in implementing what one decides is missing.
If we assume from the start that nobody cares about the decisions we take in the EU, though, or the goals in our own laws and conventions, then we might as well go home. A Friday that starts with a sunrise like this, above the the roofs of Paris, has to go well. And it did. First, an ESI newsletter went out early in the morning, to be done just as these rays of sun lit up the sky. Next I learned that the internal debate in the EU and in Brussels is shifting away from focusing on relocation towards focusing on resettlement as we had argued for weeks, sometimes feeling like Don Quijote taking on windmills.
The logical next step would be to suspend the focus on relocation altogether. Third, Greece reminded the rest of Europe today that it is still in the EU, can veto decisions and assert its interests, and that closing Balkan borders to trap people in Greece would trigger a strong and justified reaction. It would undermine hope of working with Greece in the Eurocrisis, and paralyze EU decision making.
No serious leader in the EU can want this. It will not do Slovenia the favour and build the wall that Slovenia — the open door to the Schengen zone — does not want to build itself for good reason. Reading his paper is a great way to end this day:. If only Greece, Turkey and Germany come together around a credible strategy, this might actually work — and now there are another few days until the Brussels meeting between the EU and Turkey in March to achieve this.
A policy proposal that is good for Greece, the EU and refugees. Many brilliant minds are strikingly ineffectual. The European Union and its institutions are famous plodders. They have excelled at stitching a continent together by putting one foot in front of the other. Soon Schengen turned out to be so popular and effective that it attracted many other countries to join, even non- EU members like Switzerland and Norway.
It became part of EU rules, one of the most popular European projects, transforming lives for citizens and businesses. It has often been challenged, but never replaced, based on many compromises and interests slowly reconciled in endless meetings. The plodding progress of the European Union institutions in Brussels can, given enough time, change the geopolitics of a whole continent.
Yet things often look different when it comes to an unexpected crisis. In recent months, the European Commission and the European Council have been gripped by frenzy, even panic, as they sought to devise credible policies to deal with the sudden inflow of a million people into the Schengen area.
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One busy summit and extraordinary meeting followed another. But once announced, even obviously unworkable schemes had to be explored, tested and defended, with frantic attempts to stave off their eventual, inevitable failure. This scheme has turned into a humiliating experience for the EU.
It was adopted in September in a rare majority decision, outvoting countries who claimed that the scheme was both unworkable and wrong on principle. This led to serious tensions among EU members. A few months on, even the most Europhile of observers have to admit that the doubters had a point: designed to relocate , people in two years, it has so far led to the relocation of no more than people. These are embarrassing, even laughable numbers, and they make the EU look strikingly ineffective.
Refugee camps? Detention centres? In the meantime, the refugees move on, through Greece and the Balkans into the heart of the European Union, apparently unaware that somebody had other destinations in mind for them. The search for culprits for this failure has led some in the EU to focus their ire at Greece: If only Greece would register everyone, if only Greece would have set up enough hotspots to accommodate and hold by force?
Blaming Greek administrative ineptitude is convenient and comes easy to other Europeans, but in this case is completely off the mark. In fact, the relocation scheme is profoundly flawed in conception, and could not work, no matter who was responsible for its administration. More than that, in a time of crisis when European ideals are at stake, it is actively harmful. The current relocation scheme has already eaten up a huge amount of time and political capital, at a moment when both are in short supply.
It has spawned many meetings and papers, but the number of people who arrive in Greece from Turkey has not been affected, nor the number moving on from Greece into the rest of Europe.
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It has increased the sense of distrust and acrimony inside the EU. It has made the EU look feckless, bumbling and, above all else, ineffective, while exposing it to populist attacks from those opposed even to this very abstract idea of burden sharing. So what is to be done? Many well-intentioned people continue to place their hopes in the relocation scheme as a solution to the refugee crisis. So let us pause for moment to examine what would happen over the next six months if the scheme were implemented as foreseen by its architects. Here is one possible best-case scenario.
All administrations involved work smoothly. Then, at the end of April, the Commission and the EU presidency call a press conference to declare that relocation has been a big European success. A huge mobilisation of resources and total focus by all parties across the EU have made the scheme work as envisaged.
After all, this scheme will not lead to even one fewer refugee arriving in the EU. It is much more likely to have the contrary effect. Note that the vast majority of the people who would be relocated from Greece after 15 February are currently in Turkey! The scheme would give people an even bigger incentive to cross the Aegean , to risk their lives and to enrich smugglers. What would happen once all , places are taken?
It is unlikely that a new relocation quota would pass the Council. In the meantime, far-right, anti-immigration, anti-Muslim, anti-refugee parties, boosted by constant press reporting on the progress of the relocations, would get even stronger. If effective action requires working on the right things, then the relocation scheme fails disastrously because it diverts attention from the only things that really ought to matter now:. The relocation scheme achieves none of these things.
In fact, it would be actively harmful. In the extremely unlikely best case scenario of full implementation, it would leave the EU facing a worsening refugee crisis with its ability to forge any future consensus compromised, perhaps irreparably. If the relocation scheme is abandoned next week: what then? If this scheme — poorly conceived, impractical, and unhelpful even if implemented — were abandoned, what should replace it? Let us return to the basic fact that the , people to be relocated from Greece to EU member states in the next few months are not currently in Greece. They are in Turkey.
Imagine if the relocation scheme were not to require these , people first to cross to Greece irregularly, in the hands of people smugglers, resulting in many more deaths , but instead could be implemented in a safe and orderly fashion in Turkey.
In recent days, leaders in the Netherlands and Germany have spoken out about the need to take contingents of Syrian refugees directly from Turkey within weeks — in return for Turkish willingness to take back anyone who crosses to Greece from that point onwards. This is no simple matter: it would require serious preparation and the full attention of already overstretched administrations. It would take some time for the numbers attempting the Aegean crossing to fall away; in the meantime, Greece would need the administrative capacity to process those who reach the islands. The states in the coalition of the willing need to find ways to work with Turkey on an orderly resettlement process, sending a clear signal to these refugees not to get on boats.
This would be a serious test of national capacities and European cooperation. It would need to be the main focus on European summits and technical meetings for the coming months. It can be done, but only if it is taken very seriously indeed. ESI suggests that the February Council meeting in Brussels declares first that the relocation program is scrapped, or at least suspended.
At the same time, it calls upon all countries to voluntarily take at least the number of people they would have been required to take from Greece directly from Turkey. There would be no coercion. In fact, this step would remove a major argument of those who use this scheme to attack the EU. There would now be strong moral pressure. The European Union needs trust to work. The relocation debate and its subsequent failure have eroded that trust. A voluntary burden-sharing scheme, as part of the Merkel-Samsom plan, could restore it. This is not a defeat — but the best way forward for European ideals.
Some will argue that this would be a defeat. If the EU cannot make even a modest relocation program work, how can it ever have a shared, centrally administered asylum system? But this argument is based on denial. Unpalatable and unworkable schemes, like building a wall across Macedonia a non-EU member with EU support, so as to trap refugees in Greece an EU and Schengen member shows the damage that flawed and muddled thinking is doing to European ideals.
Clinging to a poorly designed scheme only adds to the damage already done. The EU will not get a central asylum system without first resolving this crisis. If anti-EU, illiberal parties gain strength on the back of public fear that mainstream parties and the EU have lost control, the political space for collaboration in this critical area may disappear.
Perhaps a centralised EU asylum system is not an appropriate goal. Coping with refugees in large numbers is perhaps possible for strong and democratically legitimized governments, like Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands. The EU as a political entity may never be strong enough to do so.
Ironically, if the authority for refugee policy is moved to Brussels, the likely outcome is a less liberal EU stance, with reduced access for refugees. The debate on future EU asylum policy is a serious one, of course, and arguments can be made on both sides. The EU has been revealed as strikingly ineffective. The relocation scheme is an abject failure, and could not have been otherwise. The EU needs to be effective in its response; not in the distant future but in the coming weeks and months. The best way forward is to scrap the relocation scheme at the EU Council next week and to replace it with a voluntary scheme based on the Merkel-Samsom plan.
The time to get serious about how to allocate precious focus and resources is now. Peter Drucker defined the characteristics of effective action as follows: it is action defined by concrete results.
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It requires working on the right things. It requires clear criteria that enable work on the truly important. Effective executives do not start out with the things they cannot do. Effective executives know that their time is the most crucial limiting factor. An effective executive also takes care not to waste the time of others he or she needs. He or she is always aware that bringing too many people into coordination mechanisms is usually a time waster. As Drucker noted:.
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