Data-Sharing: Making Information Go Global (World Politics Review Features)

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Data Sharing Across Partner Agencies
  1. Un mese di seduzione (Italian Edition).
  2. Internet privacy.
  3. Statement on Harmonizing Research Policies Approved by 15 Global Organizations - SPARC.
  4. Software for Every Nonprofit.
  5. The Third Wave of IT-Driven Competition!

Support for monitoring data sharing policies: The participating organizations will expand their efforts to monitor compliance with their respective data sharing policies and with open science principles more broadly. For example, the group will encourage the wider adoption of data availability statements in grant proposals and papers and will highlight best practices for sharing research.

Support for developing interlinking policy and infrastructure: In order to further these goals, we will stimulate the creation of policy-related infrastructure, e. A summary of the meeting is now available. The current political system must be supplemented with global financial regulations, certainly, and probably transnational political mechanisms, too.

That is how we will complete this globalisation of ours, which today stands dangerously unfinished. Its economic and technological systems are dazzling indeed, but in order for it to serve the human community, it must be subordinated to an equally spectacular political infrastructure, which we have not even begun to conceive. It will be objected, inevitably, that any alternative to the nation-state system is a utopian impossibility. But even the technological accomplishments of the last few decades seemed implausible before they arrived, and there are good reasons to be suspicious of those incumbent authorities who tell us that human beings are incapable of similar grandeur in the political realm.

How America became a superpower

In fact, there have been many moments in history when politics was suddenly expanded to a new, previously inconceivable scale — including the creation of the nation state itself. And — as is becoming clearer every day — the real delusion is the belief that things can carry on as they are. The first step will be ceasing to pretend that there is no alternative.

So let us begin by considering the scale of the current crisis. L et us start with the west. Europe, of course, invented the nation state: the principle of territorial sovereignty was agreed at the Treaty of Westphalia in The treaty made large-scale conquest difficult within the continent; instead, European nations expanded into the rest of the world. The dividends of colonial plunder were converted, back home, into strong states with powerful bureaucracies and democratic polities — the template for modern European life. By the end of 19th century, European nations had acquired uniform attributes still familiar today — in particular, a set of fiercely enforced state monopolies defence, taxation and law, among others , which gave governments substantial mastery of the national destiny.

In return, a moral promise was made to all: the development, spiritual and material, of citizen and nation alike. Spectacular state-run projects in the fields of education, healthcare, welfare and culture arose to substantiate this promise. The withdrawal of this moral promise over the past four decades has been a shattering metaphysical event in the west, and one that has left populations rummaging around for new things to believe in. For the promise was a major event in the evolution of the western psyche. It was part of a profound theological reorganisation: the French Revolution dethroned not only the monarch, but also God, whose superlative attributes — omniscience and omnipotence — were now absorbed into the institutions of the state itself.

During the period of decolonisation that followed the second world war, the European nation-state structure was exported everywhere. But westerners still felt its moral promise with an intensity peculiar to themselves — more so than ever, in fact, after the creation of the welfare state and decades of unprecedented postwar growth. Nostalgia for that golden age of the nation state continues to distort western political debate to this day, but it was built on an improbable coincidence of conditions that will never recur.

Data-Sharing: Making Information Go Global

Very significant was the structure of the postwar state itself, which possessed a historically unique level of control over the domestic economy. Capital could not flow unchecked across borders and foreign currency speculation was negligible compared to today. Governments, in other words, had substantial control over money flows, and if they spoke of changing things, it was because they actually could. The fact that capital was captive meant they Governments could impose historic rates of taxation, which, in an era of record economic growth, allowed them to channel unprecedented energies into national development.

For a few decades, state power was monumental — almost divine, indeed — and it created the most secure and equal capitalist societies ever known. The destruction of state authority over capital has of course been the explicit objective of the financial revolution that defines our present era. As a result, states have been forced to shed social commitments in order to reinvent themselves as custodians of the market. This has drastically diminished national political authority in both real and symbolic ways. The picture is the same all over the west: the wealth of the richest continues to skyrocket, while post-crisis austerity cripples the social-democratic welfare state.

We can all see the growing fury at governments that refuse to fulfil their old moral promise — but it is most probable that they no longer can.

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Western governments possess nothing like their previous command over national economic life, and if they continue to promise fundamental change, it is now at the level of PR and wish fulfilment. There is every reason to believe that the next stage of the techno-financial revolution will be even more disastrous for national political authority. This will arise as the natural continuation of existing technological processes, which promise new, algorithmic kinds of governance to further undermine the political variety. Big data companies Google, Facebook etc have already assumed many functions previously associated with the state, from cartography to surveillance.

Now they are the primary gatekeepers of social reality: membership of these systems is a new, corporate, de-territorialised form of citizenship, antagonistic at every level to the national kind. And, as the growth of digital currencies shows, new technologies will emerge to replace the other fundamental functions of the nation state. The libertarian dream — whereby antique bureaucracies succumb to pristine hi-tech corporate systems, which then take over the management of all life and resources — is a more likely vision for the future than any fantasy of a return to social democracy. But in the west, it feels like a terrifying return to primitive vulnerability.

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It is an epochal upheaval, which leaves western populations shattered and bereft. There are outbreaks of irrational rage, especially against immigrants, the appointed scapegoats for much deeper forms of national contamination. The idea of the western nation as a universal home collapses, and transnational tribal identities grow up as a refuge: white supremacists and radical Islamists alike take up arms against contamination and corruption.

The stakes could not be higher. So it is easy to see why western governments are so desperate to prove what everyone doubts: that they are still in control.

  • Below is just a sample of our sector-specific data.?
  • Globalisation: the rise and fall of an idea that swept the world.
  • Bradford College (Campus History).
  • Trending Now;
  • Open Data Gaining Momentum in Africa.
  • Who Owns the Data? Open Data for Healthcare.
  • Somewhere Out There.
  • The era of globalisation has seen consistent attempts by US presidents to enhance the authority of the executive, but they are never enough. Citizens who have nothing are persuaded that they have a lot.

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    These strategies are ugly, but they cannot simply be blamed on a few bad actors. The predicament is this: political authority is running on empty, and leaders are unable to deliver meaningful material change. But let us not imagine that these strategies will quickly break down under their own deceptions as moderation magically comes back into fashion.

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    Partly because citizens are desperate for the cover-up to succeed: deep down, they know to be scared of what will happen if the power of the state is revealed to be a hoax. Almost all those nations emerged in the 20th century from the Eurasian empires. The modern nation of Syria looks unlikely to last more than a century without breaking apart, and it hardly provides security or stability for its citizens.

    Empires were not democratic, but were built to be inclusive of all those who came under their rule. It is not the same with nations, which are founded on the fundamental distinction between who is in and who is out — and therefore harbour a tendency toward ethnic purification.

    This makes them much more unstable than empires, for that tendency can always be stoked by nativist demagogues. Nevertheless, in the previous century it was decided with amazing alacrity that empires belonged to the past, and the future to nation states. And yet this revolutionary transformation has done almost nothing to close the economic gap between the colonised and the colonising.

    In the meantime, it has subjected many postcolonial populations to a bitter cocktail of authoritarianism, ethnic cleansing, war, corruption and ecological devastation. In the breakneck pace of decolonisation, nations were thrown together in months; often their alarmed populations fell immediately into violent conflict to control the new state apparatus, and the power and wealth that came with it. Many infant states were held together only by strongmen who entrusted the system to their own tribes or clans, maintained power by stoking sectarian rivalries and turned ethnic or religious differences into super-charged axes of political terror.

    The list is not a short one. This will ensure that the knowledge gained is turned quickly into health interventions that can have an impact on the epidemic. The arguments for sharing data, and the consequences of not doing so, have been thrown into stark relief by the Ebola and Zika outbreaks. In the context of a public health emergency of international concern, there is an imperative on all parties to make any information available that might have value in combating the crisis.

    We are committed to working in partnership to ensure that the global response to public health emergencies is informed by the best available research evidence and data, as such:.

    Data-Sharing: Making Information Go Global (World Politics Review Features) Data-Sharing: Making Information Go Global (World Politics Review Features)
    Data-Sharing: Making Information Go Global (World Politics Review Features) Data-Sharing: Making Information Go Global (World Politics Review Features)
    Data-Sharing: Making Information Go Global (World Politics Review Features) Data-Sharing: Making Information Go Global (World Politics Review Features)
    Data-Sharing: Making Information Go Global (World Politics Review Features) Data-Sharing: Making Information Go Global (World Politics Review Features)
    Data-Sharing: Making Information Go Global (World Politics Review Features) Data-Sharing: Making Information Go Global (World Politics Review Features)

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